Mughal Emperor Sultan Aurangzeb Alamgir : Bad Ruler or Bad History?

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#46 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:20

Great wailings and complaints arose from the troops engaged in the siege. The cannonade recommenced on both sides, and many more of the besiegers fell. Although Fíroz Jang exerted himself most strenuously, he made no impression upon the place.

The long delay kindled the anger of Aurangzeb. He called his chiefs and officers together, and placing himself at about a gun-shot distance from the walls, he ordered an assault to be made under his own eyes. Prodigies of valour were exhibited. But a storm of wind and rain arose, and obstructed the progress of the assailants, and they were forced to fall back drenched with rain.

The garrison again made a sally, took possession of the trenches, spiked the heavy guns, on the mounting of which immense money and labour had been expended, and carried away all that was portable. They pulled out of the moat the logs of wood, and the many thousands of bags which had been used to fill it up, and used them to repair the breaches made by the mines. It was afterwards deter*mined that the third mine should be sprung in the presence of Aurangzeb.

But although fire was applied, nothing resulted. An examination as to the cause was instituted, but nothing was discovered until it was learnt from spies that the enemy had cleared out the powder and cut the match. Fíroz Jang had received two arrow wounds. The command of the army was then given to Prince Muhammad A'zam.

Several of the officers of Abú-l Hasan had come over to the side of Aurangzeb, and had received suitable titles, mansabs, and presents. Shaikh Minháj, having heard of this, was about to desert, but Abú-l Hasan placed him in confinement, and seized his house. Of all his nobles, none remained faithful to Abú-l Hasan but 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, who had received the title Mustafá Khán, and 'Abdu-llah Khán Paní Afghán.

At the end of Sha'bán, the siege had lasted eight months, and Abú-l Hasan's men still worked indefatigably. At length, 'Abdu-llah Khán made secret overtures to Aurangzeb, and agreed to open one of the gates of the city for the admission of his troops.

Aurangzeb frequently communicated with 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí, and promised him a mansab of six thousand, with six thousand horse, and other regal favours. But that ungracious faithful fellow, taking no heed of his own interest and life, in the most insolent manner exhibited the Emperor's letter to the men in his bastion, and tore it to pieces in their presence, and he sent a message by the spy who had brought it to say that he would fight to the death like the horsemen who fought with Imám Husain at Karbalá.

The besiegers continued to show great resolution in pushing on the siege. They cast into the ditches thousands of bags filled with dirt and rubbish, and thousands of carcases of animals and men who had perished during the operations.

Several times the valour of the assailants carried them to the top of the walls; but the watchfulness of the besieged frustrated their efforts; so they threw away their lives in vain, and the fortress remained untaken. But the fortune of 'Álamgír at length prevailed, and after a siege of eight months and ten days, the place fell into his hands; but by good fortune, not by force of sword and spear.

contd. later إن شاء الله..

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#47 [Permalink] Posted on 20th November 2014 16:16

السلام عليكم

Bro Saad continues:

Thirty-First Year of The Reign, 1098 A.H. (1687 A.D.).

At the beginning of the month Zí-l ka'da, at the commencement of the thirty-first year of the reign, agreeing with 1098 A.H. (Sept. 1687), by the efforts of Rúhu-llah Khán, a negociation was concluded, through Ranmast Khán Afghán Paní, with 'Abdu-llah Khán, who was one of the confi*dential officers of Abú-l Hasan, and had charge of the gate called the khirkí (wicket).

In the last watch of the night Rúhu-llah Khán and, at a sign from 'Abdu-llah, entered the fortress by means of ladders. Prince Muhammad A'zam, mounted on an elephant, had a large force ready to enter by the gate. Those who had got in went to the gate, posted their men, opened the gate, and raised the cry of victory.

'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí heard this, and, springing on a horse without any saddle, with a sword in one hand and a shield in the other, and accompanied by ten or twelve followers, he rushed to the open gate, through which the Imperial forces were pouring in.

Although his followers were dispersed, he alone, like a drop of water falling into the sea, or an atom of dust struggling in the rays of the sun, threw him*self upon the advancing foe, and fought with inconceivable fury and desperation, shouting that he would fight to the death for Abú-l Hasan.

Every step he advanced, thousands of swords were aimed at him, and he received so many wounds from swords and spears that he was covered with wounds from the crown of his head to the nails of his feet. But his time was not yet come, and he fought his way to the gate of the citadel without being brought down.

He received twelve wounds upon his face alone, and the skin of his forehead hung down over his eyes and nose. One eye was severely wounded, and the cuts upon his body seemed as numerous as the stars. His horse also was covered with wounds, and reeled under his weight, so he gave the reins to the beast, and by great exertion kept his seat.

The horse carried him to a garden called Nagína, near the citadel, to the foot of an old cocoa-nut tree, where, by the help of the tree, he threw himself off. On the morning of the second day a party of men belonging to Husainí Beg passed, and recognizing him by his horse and other signs, they took compassion upon him, and carried him upon a bedstead to a house.

When his own men heard of this, they came and dressed his wounds. The re*mainder of the story of this brave devoted warrior shall be told hereafter.

The shouts and cries, and the groans and lamentations, within and without, made Abú-l Hasan aware that all was over. He went into his harem to comfort his women, to ask pardon of them, and take leave of them. Then, though his heart was sad, he controlled himself, and went to his reception room, and took his seat upon the masnad, and watched for the coming of his unbidden guests.

When the time for taking his meal arrived, he ordered the food to be served up. As Rúhu-llah Khán and others arrived, he saluted them all, and never for a moment lost his dignity. With perfect self-control he received them with courtesy, and spoke to them with warmth and elegance.

Abú-l Hasan called for his horse and accompanied the amírs, carrying a great wealth of pearls upon his neck. When he was introduced into the presence of Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh, he took off his necklace of pearls and presented it to the Prince in a most graceful way.

The Prince took it, and placing his hand upon his back, he did what he could to console and encourage him. He then conducted him to the presence of Aurangzeb, who also received him very courteously. After a few days the Emperor sent him to the fortress of Daulatábád, and settled a suitable allowance for providing him with food, raiment, and other necessaries. Officers were appointed to take possession of the effects of Abú-l Hasan and his nobles.

contd..

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#48 [Permalink] Posted on 20th November 2014 16:19

Abdu-r Razzák, senseless, but with a spark of life remaining, was carried to the house of Rúhu-llah Khán. As soon as the eyes of Saf-shikan Khán fell upon him, he cried out, “This is that vile Lárí! cut off his head and hang it over the gate.”

Rúhu-llah replied that to cut off the head of a dying man without orders, when there was no hope of his surviving, was far from being humane. A little bird made the matter known to Aurangzeb ,who had heard of 'Abdu-r Razzák's daring and courage and loyalty, and he graciously ordered that two surgeons, one a European, the other a Hindú, should be sent to attend the wounded man, who were to make daily reports of his condition to Aurangzeb.

The Emperor sent for Rúhu-llah Khán, and told him that if Abú-l Hasan had possessed only one more servant devoted like 'Abdu-r Razzák, it would have taken much longer to subdue the fortress. The surgeons reported that they had counted nearly seventy wounds, besides the many wounds upon wounds which could not be counted.

Although one eye was not injured, it was probable that he would lose the sight of both. They were directed carefully to attend to his cure. At the end of sixteen days, the doctors reported that he had opened one eye, and spoken a few faltering words expressing a hope of recovery.

Aurangzeb sent a message to him, forgiving him his offences, and desiring him to send his eldest son 'Abdu-l Kádir with his other sons, that they might receive suitable mansabs and honours, and return thanks for the pardon granted to their father, and for the mansabs and other favours.

When this gracious message reached that devoted and peerless hero, he gasped out a few words of reverence and gratitude, but he said that there was little hope of his recovery. If, however, it pleased the Almighty to spare him and give him a second life, it was not likely that he would be fit for service; but should he ever be capable of service, he felt that no one who had eaten the salt of Abú-l Hasan, and had thriven on his bounty, could enter the service of King 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb).

On hearing these words, a cloud was seen to pass over the face of His Majesty; but he kindly said, “When he is quite well, let me know.” Most of 'Abdu-r Razzák's property had been plundered, but such as was left was given over to him.

Some time afterwards it was reported that 'Abdu-r Razzák had got quite well, and an order was issued to the Súbadár to send him to the royal presence. 'Abdu-r Razzák tried to excuse himself, and expressed a wish to go with his children on the pilgrimage to Mecca, on returning from which blessed journey he would devote himself to prayer for the long life of His Majesty.

Orders were then given for arresting him and sending him to Court. Fíroz Jang got information of this, and with great sympathy invited 'Abdu-r Razzák to come and stay with him. He kept him for some time with marked kindness, and after the lapse of a year 'Abdu-r Razzák entered the Imperial service with a mansab of 4000 and 3000 horse.

The property of Abú-l Hasan which was recovered after its dispersion amounted to eight lacs and fifty-one thousand huns, and two krors and fifty-three thousand rupees, altogether six krors eighty lacs and ten thousand rupees, besides jewels, inlaid articles and vessels of gold and silver. The total in dáms was one arb fifteen krors sixteen lacs and a fraction, which was the sum entered on the records.

The mud fort of Golkonda was built by the ancestors of Rája Deo Ráí, and it was acquired by the Bahmaní Sultáns after a good deal of resistance. Upon the fall of the Bahmaní dynasty, their territories fell into the hands of a number of petty chiefs; but Sultán Muhammad Kulí, entitled Kutbu-l Mulk, who had been one of the nobles of Sultán Muhammad Sháh Bahmaní, brought some of the provinces of the Dakhin under his rule.

For the old mud fort of Rája Deo Ráí, which stood upon the summit of a hill, he substituted one of stone. After some descents, the kingdom came to Muhammad Kutbu-l Mulk, for all the descendants bore the name of Kutbu-l Mulk. He took great pains in repairing the fort of Golkonda. He had a wife named Bhágmatí, of whom he was very fond.

At her request, he built a city two kos distant from the fortress, to which he gave the name of Bhágnagar. Some time after the death of Bhágmatí, the name was changed to Haidarábád; but in the vernacular language of the people it is still called Bhágnagar.

That woman had established many brothels and drinking shops in that place, and the rulers had always been addicted to pleasure and to all sorts of debauchery. Abú-l Hasan exceeded all his predecessors in his devotion to pleasure. So the city got an evil name for licentiousness. After the conquest by Aurangzeb, it was called the hostile country (dáru-l jihád). [Surrender of the fort of Sakar between Haidarábád and Bíjápúr.]

contd..

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#49 [Permalink] Posted on 20th November 2014 16:28

Thirty-Second Year of The Reign, 1099 A.H. (1688 A.D.).

[Surrender of the fort of Adhoní to Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh.]

Thirty-Third Year of The Reign, 1100 A.H. (1689 A.D.).

The plague (tá'ún) and pestilence (wabá), which had for several years been in the Dakhin as far as the port of Surat and the city of Ahmadábád, now broke out with violence in Bíjápúr, and in the royal camp. It was so virulent that when an individual was attacked with it, he gave up all hope, and thought only about his nursing and mourning.

The black-pated guest-slayer of the sky sought to pick out the seed of the human race from the field of the world, and the cold blast of destruction tried to cut down the tree of life in every living being, and to remove every shoot and sign of life from the surface of the world.

The visible marks of the plague were swellings as big as a grape or banana under the arms, behind the ears, and in the groin, and a redness was perceptible round the pupils of the eyes, as in fever or pestilence (wabá).

It was the business of heirs to provide for the interment of the dead, but thousands of obscure and friendless persons of no property died in the towns and markets, and very few of them had the means of burial. It began in the twenty-seventh year of the reign, and lasted for seven or eight years.

Thirty-Fourth Year of The Reign, 1101 A.H. (1690 A.D.).

Operations against the Mahrattas. Capture and Execution of Sambhá.

Prince Muhammad A'zam Sháh was sent with an army and some experienced amírs to punish the infidels about Bahádur-garh and Gulshanábád. Fíroz Jang, with another army, was sent to reduce the forts in the neigh-bouhood of Rájgarh. Mukarrab Khan, otherwise called Shaikh Ni??ám Haidarábádí, was sent against the infidel Sambhá.

Each of them endeavoured to distinguish himself in the performance of the service on which he had been sent. Mukarrab Khán was distinguished above all the nobles of the Dakhin for his military knowledge and enterprise. He laid siege to the fort of Parnála, near Kolápúr, and sent out his spies in all directions to gather intelligence, and especially to get information about Sambhá, who in his vile and evil course of life was ten times worse than his father Sivají.

This ill-bred fellow left his old home at Ráhírí, and went to the fort of Khelna. After satisfying himself of the state of its stores, and the settlement of the country round, under the guidance of adverse fortune, which kept him ignorant of the approach of the Imperial forces, he went to bathe in the waters of the Bán-Ganga, on the borders of the district of Sangamnír, one day's journey from the sea-shore.

The place was situated in a valley, surrounded by high mountains of difficult passage. Here Kabkalas, the filthy dog, had built a house, embellished with paintings, and surrounded with a garden full of fruit-trees and flowers. Sambhá, with Kab-kalas, and his wives, and his son Sáhú, went there, accom*panied with a force of two or three thousand horse, entirely unaware of the approach of the falcon of destiny.

After bathing, he lingered there, viewing the lofty hills, the arduous roads full of ascents and descents, and the thick woods of thorny trees. Unlike his father, he was addicted to wine, and fond of the society of handsome women, and gave himself up to pleasure.

Messengers brought him intelligence of the active movements of Mukarrab Khán; but he was absorbed in the pleasures which bring so many men of might to their ruin.

Mukarrab Khán started boldly from his base at Kolápúr, vhich was forty-five kos distant from the retreat to which Sambhá had resorted. He took with him two thousand horse and one thousand foot, selected men. The reports brought to him represented that the road was steep and arduous, over high hills, and that thirty or forty men without arms might hold the road against a large army by throwing down stones.

But that brave leader heeded none of these objections. He set out and made a rapid march, and in the most difficult places they came to he himself went first on foot. They pressed on, and approached near the place where the doomed one was staying.

It is said that Sambhá's scouts informed him of the approach of the royal army, or the “Mughal army,” as it was called in the language of the Mahrattas. But the heedless fellow scouted the idea of any Mughal army penetrating to that place. He ordered the tongues of the reporters to be cut out, and did not even take care to have his horses ready, or to prepare any earthworks.

contd..

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#50 [Permalink] Posted on 20th November 2014 16:30

Mukarrab Khán, with his sons and nephews, ten or twelve brave personal attendants, and two or three hundred horsemen, fell sword in hand upon the heedless Sambhá, who too late thought of defending himself. Kabkalas, his wazír, was well known for his courage and daring. He did his best to save him, and, with a party of Mahrattas, advanced to meet the assailants. At the commencement of the fight he received an arrow in the right arm, which rendered the limb useless.

He fell from his horse, exclaiming that he would remain there. Sambhá, who was about to take to flight, sprang from his horse, and said that he would stay with him. Four or five Mahrattas were cut down, but all the rest of Sambhá's men fled. Kabkalas was taken prisoner; Sambhá went for refuge into an idol temple, and there hid himself.

The place was surrounded, and he was discovered. Several of his followers, of no importance, were killed; but he and his family, including his son Sáhú, a boy of seven or eight years of age, were all made prisoners. All his men and women, twenty-six individuals in number, were taken, and also two women belonging to Rám Rája, his younger brother, whom he kept confined in one of his forts.

The hands of all of them were bound, and they were brought to the feet of the elephant on which Mukarrab Khán was riding. Although Sambhá, in the brief interval, had shaved off his beard, smeared his face with ashes, and changed his clothes, he was discovered by a necklace of pearls under his garments, and by the gold rings upon the legs of his horse. Mukarrab Khán made him ride behind him on the same elephant, and the other captives were chained and carried off, some on elephants, some on horses.

A despatch was sent to His Majesty, but news of the exploit reached him first through the news-reporters, and was a cause of great rejoicing. When the intelligence came that Mukarrab Khán was approaching with his prisoners, His Majesty ordered a large party to go out two kos from Aklúj, where he was staying, to give the victor a ceremonious reception.

It is said that during the four or five days when Mukarrab Khán was known to be coming with his prisoners, the rejoicings were so great among all classes, from chaste matrons to miserable men, that they could not sleep at night, and they went out two kos to meet the prisoners, and give expression to their satisfaction. In every town and village on the road or near it, wherever the news reached, there was great delight; and wherever they passed, the doors and roofs were full of men and women, who looked on rejoicing.

After their arrival, Aurangzeb held a darbár, and the prisoners were brought in. On seeing them, he descended from his throne, and made two ruk'ats as a mark of his gratitude to the Almighty. It is said that Kabkalas observed this. He was well versed in Hindí poetry, and although his head and neck and every limb was firmly secured so that he could use only his eyes and tongue, when he saw Aurangzeb make these signs of devotion, he looked at Sambhá, and repeated some Hindí lines to this effect, “O Rája, at the sight of thee the King 'Álamgír (Aurangzeb), for all his pomp and dignity, cannot keep his seat upon his throne, but has perforce descended from it to do thee honour.”

contd..

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#51 [Permalink] Posted on 20th November 2014 16:31

After they had been sent to their places of confinement, some of the councillors of the State advised that their lives should be spared, and that they should be kept in perpetual confinement, on condition of surrendering the keys of the fortresses held by the adherents of Sambhá.

But the doomed wretches knew that, after all, their heads would fall upon the scaffold, or that, if by abject submission and baseness, they escaped death, they would be kept in confinement deprived of all the pleasures of life, and every day of life would be a new death. So both Sambhá and Kabkalas indulged in abusive language, and uttered the most offensive remarks in the hearing of the Emperor's servants.

But it was the will of God that the stock of this turbulent family should not be rooted out of the Dakhin, and that King Aurangzeb should spend the rest of his life in the work of repressing them and taking their fortresses. The Emperor was in favour of seizing the opportunity of getting rid of these prime movers of the strife, and hoped that with a little exertion their fortresses would be reduced. He therefore rejected the advice, and would not consent to spare them on condition of receiving the keys of the fortresses. He gave orders that the tongues of both should be cut out, so that they might no longer speak disrespectfully. After that, their eyes were to be torn out.

Then, with ten or eleven other persons, they were to be put to death with a variety of tortures, and lastly he ordered that the skins of the heads of Sambhá and Kabkalas should be stuffed with straw, and exposed in all the cities and towns of the Dakhin, with beat of drum and sound of trumpet. Such is the retribution for rebellious, violent, oppressive evil-doers.

Sáhú, the son of Sambhá, a boy of seven years of age, was spared, and orders were given for his being kept within the limits of the palace. Suitable teachers were appointed to educate him, and a mansab of 700 was granted to him. Some women, including the mother and daughters of Sambhá, were sent to the fortress of Daulatábád.

When the author was staying along with 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí near the fort of Ráhírí, which Sivají built, he heard from the people of the neighbourhood that Sivají, although an infidel and a rebel, was a wise man. The country round may be called a specimen of hell, for it is hilly and stony, and in the hot season water is very scarce, which is a great trouble to the inhabitants. Sivají had a well dug near his abode.

A pavement was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was erected. Upon this bench Sivají would take his seat, and when the women of the traders and poor people came to draw water, he would give their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother and sisters. When the ráj descended to Sambhá, he also used to sit upon this bench; and when the wives and daughters of the raiyats came to draw water, the vile dog would lay one hand upon their pitcher, and another upon their waist, and drag them to the seat.

There he would handle them roughly and indecently, and detain them for a while. The poor woman, unable to help herself, would dash the pitcher from her head, but she could not escape without gross insult. At length the raiyats of the country settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to the territory of the Firingís, which was not far off. He received the reward of his deeds.

contd later إن شاء الله

wa Assalam..

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#52 [Permalink] Posted on 29th November 2014 10:10

السلام عليكم

Bro Saad continues..

Thirty-Fifth Year of The Reign, 1102 A.H. (1691 A.D.).

Aurangzeb was desirous of rewarding Mukarrab Khan for his splendid and unparalleled success. He granted to him an increase of 1000 horse, gave him the title of Khan-Zaman Fath-Jang, a present of 50,000 rupees, and of a horse, elephant, etc., etc. His son, Ikhlas Khan, who held a mansab of 4000 personal and 4000 horse, had it increased a thousand, and received the title of Khan-i 'alam. His four or five sons and nephews also received titles and marks of favour.

About this time it was reported that Rajgarh, one of the forts of Sivaji; and Sambha;, had been taken. Abu-l Khair Khan was appointed its commandant. Before the news of the capture of Sambha; reached that neighbourhood, the enemy invested the place, and summoned Abu-l Khair to surrender.

Although the force under Firoz Jang was near at hand, Abu;-l Khair was frightened, and was so craven as to surrender on a promise of safety to his life, his family, and his property. He left the place at night with some of his women in palkis and the rest on foot, and he had with him several baskets and boxes of clothing, money, jewels, etc.

The Mahrattas had gathered round, waiting for him, and although they had promised security to life and property, they stripped him of all he had, and left him in miserable plight. In the middle of the night he reached the army of Firoz Jang, full of complaints and remorse. He was deprived of his mansab and jagir, and was sent on the pilgrimage.

Turbulence of the Jats.

It was now reported from agra that when aghar Khan came there under orders from Kabul, a party of Jats attacked the caravan near agra. They seized the cattle and plundered the carts which were in the rear, and carried off some women as prisoners. aghar Khan pursued them to the neighbourhood of a fort, where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued the women.

He then boldly invested the fort, but he was killed by a musket-ball. His son-in-law was also killed. Khan-Jahan Kokaltash had formerly failed in executing a commission to restrain the Jats, and for this and some displeasing actions he was recalled, and Prince Bedar Bakht was appointed on the duty.

An order was issued that no Hindu should ride in a palki or on an Arab horse without permission.

Thirty-Sixth Year OF The Reign, 1103 A.H. (1692 A.D.).

In the beginning or towards the middle of this year, Aurangzeb moved from Gargaon and Shikarpur to Bidar, and after a while from thence to Gulka, one day's march from Bajapur, where the camp was pitched. The evil days of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam now drew to a close, and it pleased the Emperor to show him kindness. He directed that the shaving of the head and other rigours of prison discipline should be forbidden, and he held out to the Prince hopes of release.

The Hindu names of many places end with the letter h, which there was a tendency to pronounce like alif in such names as Malwah, Bangalah, Baglanah, and Parnalah. Orders were given that such names should be written with an alif, as Malwa, Bangala;, Baglana;, etc.

Mukhlis Khan, darogha of the artillery, reported that some of the Mahratta chiefs had taken Ram Raja, brother of the late Sambha;, out of confinement, and had raised him to the raj in succession to his father and brother.

They had assembled large forces with the vain intention of besieging fortresses. He sent robes and presents to the officers in command of his own forts, and, like his father and brother, he appointed different leaders to plunder the country, and to get possession of forts.

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#53 [Permalink] Posted on 29th November 2014 10:19

The Portuguese.

It was mentioned in the history of the reign of Shah Jahan that Christian traders had come to India to the ports on the sea-shore. The officers of the King of Portugal occupied several neighbouring ports, and had erected forts in strong positions and under the protection of hills.

They built villages, and in all matters acted very kindly towards the people, and did not vex them with oppressive taxes. They allotted a separate quarter for the Musulmans who dwelt with them, and appointed a kazi; over them to settle all matters of taxes and marriage.

But the call to prayer and public devotion were not permitted in their settlements. If a poor traveller had to pass through their possessions, he would meet with no other trouble; but he would not be able to say his prayers at his ease. On the sea, they are not like the English, and do not attack other ships, except those ships which have not received their pass according to rule, or the ships of Arabia or Maskat, with which two countries they have a long-standing enmity, and they attack each other whenever opportunity offers.

If a ship from a distant port is wrecked and falls into their hands, they look upon it as their prize. But their greatest act of tyranny is this. If a subject of these misbelievers dies, leaving young children, and no grown-up son, the children are considered wards of the State. They take them to their places of worship, their churches, which they have built in many places, and the padris, that is to say the priests, instruct the children in the Christian religion, and bring them up in their own faith, whether the child be a Musulman saiyid or a Hindu; brahman.

They also make them serve as slaves. In the 'Adil-Shahi; Kokan, close to the sea, in the fine and famous fort of Goa, their governor resides; and there is a captain there who exercises full powers on the part of Portugal. They have also established some other ports and flourishing villages.

Besides this, the Portuguese occupy the country from fourteen or fifteen kos south of Surat to the boundaries of the fort of Bombay, which belongs to the English, and to the borders of the territories of the Habshis, which is called the Nizam-Shahi; Kokan.

In the rear of the hills of Baglana;, and in strong positions, difficult of access, near the fort of Gulshani bad, they have built seven or eight other forts, small and great. Two of these, by name Daman and Basi;, which they obtained by fraud from Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, they have made very strong, and the villages around are flourishing.

Their possessions measure in length about forty or fifty kos; but they are not more than a kos or a kos and a half in width. They cultivate the skirts of the hills, and grow the best products, such as sugarcane, pine-apples, and rice; and cocoa-nut trees, and betel-nut vines, in vast numbers, from which they derive a very large revenue.

They have made for use in their districts a silver coin called ashrafi, worth nine annas. They also use bits of copper which they call buzurg, and four of these buzurgs pass for a fuluss. The orders of the King (of India) are not current there. When the people there marry, the girl is given as the dowry, and they leave the management of all affairs, in the house and out of it, to their wives. They have only one wife, and concubinage is not permitted by their religion.

Ram Raja.

Messengers now brought to the knowledge of the Emperor that the forces of Ram Raja had marched in various directions to ravage the territories and reduce the forts belonging to the Imperial throne. The fort of Parnala was one of the highest and most celebrated of the forts belonging to Bijapur, and had been captured by the royal forces with a good deal of difficulty.

It was now taken with little exertion by Ram Raja's officers, and its commandant was wounded and made prisoner. It was also reported that Ram Raja had gone to the assistance of the chiefs of Jinja;, and was busy collecting men. This information greatly troubled His Majesty.

He was about to send Bahramand Khan to lay siege to Parnala, when intelligence came that Prince Mu'izzu-d dín had sat down before it. So he resolved to proceed in person to Bairampara.

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#54 [Permalink] Posted on 1st December 2014 20:47

السلام عليكم

Thirty-Seventh Year of The Reign, 1104 A.H. (1693 A.D.).

The Mahrattas.

This year Aurangzeb stayed at Bairam-púrí, the name of which was ordered to be changed to Islámpúrí. Forces were sent against the fort of Parnála and other forts in various places. After the execution of Sambhá, many of the Mahratta chieftains received instructions from Rám Rája to ravage the country.

They hovered round the Imperial armies, and were exceedingly daring. Among them was Santá Ghor-púra and Dahiná Jádú, two experienced warriors and leaders of from fifteen to twenty thousand horse. Other Mahratta chiefs submitted to their leadership, and great losses were inflicted on the Imperial forces.

Santá more especially distinguished himself in ravaging the cultivated districts, and in attacking the royal leaders. Every one who encountered him was either killed or wounded and made prisoner; or if any one did escape, it was with his mere life, with the loss of his army and baggage.

Nothing could be done, for wherever the accursed dog went and threatened an attack, there was no Imperial amír bold enough to resist him, and every loss he inflicted on their forces made the boldest warriors quake.

Ismá'íl Khán was accounted one of the bravest and most skilful warriors of the Dakhin, but he was defeated in the first action, his army was plundered, and he himself was wounded and made prisoner. After some months he obtained his release, on the payment of a large sum of money.

So also Rustam Khán, otherwise called Sharza Khán, the Rustam of the time and as brave as a lion, was defeated by him in the district of Sattára, and after losing his baggage and all that he had with him, he was taken prisoner, and had to pay a large sum for his ransom. 'Alí Mardán Khán, otherwise called Husainí Beg Haidarábádí, was defeated and made prisoner with several others. After a detention of some days, they obtained their release on paying a ransom of two lacs of rupees.

These evil tidings greatly troubled Aurangzeb. Further, news came that Santá had fought with Ján-nisár Khán and Tahawwur Khán, on the borders of the Karnátik, and had inflicted upon them a severe defeat and the loss of their artillery and baggage. Ján-nisár Khán was wounded, and escaped with difficulty.

Tahawwur Khán was also wounded, and lay among the dead, but was restored to life. Many other renowned amírs met with similar defeats. Aurangzeb was greatly distressed, but in public he said that the creature could do nothing, for everything was in the hands of God.

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#55 [Permalink] Posted on 1st December 2014 20:50

Thirty-Eigth Year of The Reign, 1105 A.H. (1694 A.D.)

Siege of Jinjí. Arrest of Prince Kám Bakhsh.

Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, with Jamdatu-l Mulk Asad Khán and Zúl-fikár Khán Nusrat Jang, approached Jinjí, and encamping about a cannon-shot off the fortress, began to prepare for the siege. The fortress of Jinjí occupies several adjacent hills, on each of which stands a fort bearing a distinct name. Two of these hills are very high, and the forts were well furnished with artillery, provisions, and all necessary stores.

It was impossible to invest all the forts, but the lines were allotted to different commanders, and every exertion was made for digging mines and erecting batteries. The garrison also did their best to put the place in order, and make a stout defence. From time to time they fired a gun or two.

The zamíndárs far and near of the country round, and the Mahratta forces, surrounded the royal army on all sides, and showed great audacity in cutting off supplies. Sometimes they burst unexpectedly into an intrenchment, doing great damage to the works, and causing great confusion in the besieging force.

The siege had gone on for a long time, and many men fell; but although the enemy's relieving force day by day increased, Zúl-fikár Khán Nusrat Jang and the other generals so pressed the siege that it went hard with the garrison. The command of the army and the general management of civil and revenue affairs in that part of the country were in the hands of Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang.

This gave great offence to Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh, and Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang had to admonish him, and speak to him sharply about some youthful follies. The Prince was greatly offended. The Prince wished that the siege should be carried on in his name; but the generals acted on their own authority. Day by day the dissensions increased.

The besieged were aware of these differences, and contrived to open communications with the Prince, and to fan the flames of his discontent, so that great danger threatened the army.

Intelligence now came of the approach of Santá, and the enemy's forces so closed round the royal army and shut up the roads, that for some days there were no communications whatever between the army and His Majesty. Messages still came to the Prince from the garrison, exciting his apprehensions, and holding out allurements.

He was vexed with Jamdatu-l Mulk's opposition, and no communications arrived from the Emperor; so he was on the point of going over to the enemy. Jamdatu-l Mulk and Nusrat Jang were informed of this, and they surrounded his tents, and made the Prince prisoner.

When these troubles and discords were at their height, Santá came down upon the royal army with twenty-five thousand horse, and reduced it to such straits, that the commanders deemed it expedient to leave their baggage and some of their matériel to be plundered by Santá, and to retire into the hills for refuge.

Every one was to carry off what he could, and the idea was that Santá would stop to plunder what was left, and not follow the retreating force. Accordingly the two generals retired fighting for some kos, till they reached the shelter of the hills, when they beat off Santá.

A few days afterwards they renewed the siege, and the garrison was hard pressed. According to report, a sum of money reached the enemy, and they evacuated the fortress and retired.

When intelligence of the arrest of Prince Muhammad Kám Bakhsh reached Aurangzeb, he apparently acquiesced in it as a matter of necessity. The news of the reduction of the fortress came soon afterwards, and he applauded the services performed by the two generals.

In reality, he was offended, and summoned the Prince with the two generals to his presence. The Prince was brought up under arrest. After waiting upon Aurangzeb, he addressed a few words of admonition to Jamdatu-l Mulk; but afterwards the marks of his displeasure became more apparent. Orders were given to set the Prince at liberty.

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#56 [Permalink] Posted on 6th December 2014 11:16

السلام عليكم

Bro Saad continues:

Capture of a Royal Ship by the English. The English at Bombay.

The royal ship called the Ganj-i sawáí, than which there was no larger in the port of Surat, used to sail every year for the House of God (at Mecca). It was now bringing back to Surat fifty-two lacs of rupees in silver and gold, the produce of the sale of Indian goods at Mocha and Jedda. The captain of this ship was Ibráhím Khán.

There were eighty guns and four hundred muskets on board, besides other implements of war. It had come within eight or nine days of Surat, when an English ship came in sight, of much smaller size, and not having a third or fourth part of the armament of the Ganj-i sawáí.

When it came within gun-shot, a gun was fired at it from the royal ship. By ill-luck, the gun burst, and three or four men were killed by its fragments. About the same time, a shot from the enemy struck and damaged the mainmast, on which the safety of the vessel depends.

The Englishmen perceived this, and being encouraged by it, bore down to attack, and drawing their swords, jumped on board of their opponent. The Christians are not bold in the use of the sword, and there were so many weapons on board the royal vessel that if the captain had made any resistance, they must have been defeated. But as soon as the English began to board, Ibráhím Khán ran down into the hold. There were some Turkí girls whom he had bought in Mocha as concubines for himself.

He put turbans on their heads and swords into their hands, and incited them to fight. These fell into the hands of the enemy, who soon became perfect masters of the ship. They transferred the treasure and many prisoners to their own ship.

When they had laden their ship, they brought the royal ship to shore near one of their settlements, and busied themselves for a week searching for plunder, stripping the men, and dishonouring the women, both old and young.

They then left the ship, carrying off the men. Several honourable women, when they found an opportunity, threw themselves into the sea, to preserve their chastity, and some others killed themselves with knives and daggers.

This loss was reported to Aurangzeb, and the news-writers of the port of Surat sent some rupees which the English had coined at Bombay, with a superscription containing the name of their impure King. Aurangzeb then ordered that the English factors who were residing at Surat for commerce should be seized.

Orders were also given to I'timád Khán, superintendent of the port of Surat, and Sídí Yákút Khán, to make preparations for besieging the fort of Bombay. The evils arising from the English occupation of Bombay were of long standing.

The English were not at all alarmed at the threatenings. They knew that Sídí Yákút was offended at some slights he had received. But they were more active than usual in building bastions and walls, and in blocking up the roads, so that in the end they made the place quite impregnable.

I'timád Khán saw all these preparations, and came to the conclusion that there was no remedy, and that a struggle with the English would result only in a heavy loss to the customs revenue. He made no serious preparations for carrying the royal order into execution, and was not willing that one rupee should be lost to the revenue.

To save appearances, he kept the English factors in confinement, but privately he endeavoured to effect an arrangement. After the confinement of their factors, the English, by way of reprisal, seized upon every Imperial officer, wherever they found one, on sea or on shore, and kept them all in confinement. So matters went on for a long time.

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#57 [Permalink] Posted on 6th December 2014 11:19

During these troubles I, the writer of this work, had the misfortune of seeing the English of Bombay, when I was acting as agent for 'Abdu-r Razzák Khán at the port of Surat. I had purchased goods to the value of nearly two lacs of rupees, and had to convey them from Surat to 'Abdu-r Razzák, the faujdár of Ráhírí. My route was along the sea-shore through the possessions of the Portuguese and English.

On arriving near Bombay, but while I was yet in the Portuguese territory, in consequence of a letter from 'Abdu-r Razzák, I waited ten or twelve days for the escort of Sídí Yákút Khán. 'Abdu-r Razzák had been on friendly terms with an Englishman in his old Haidarábád days, and he had now written to him about giving assistance to the convoy.

The Englishman sent out the brother of his díwán, very kindly inviting me to visit him. The Portuguese captain and my companions were averse to my going there with such valuable property. I, however, put my trust in God, and went to the Englishman.

I told the díwán's brother, that if the conversation turned upon the capture of the ship, I might have to say unpleasant things, for I would speak the truth. The Englishman's vakíl advised me to say freely what I deemed right, and to speak nothing but the truth.

When I entered the fortress, I observed that from the gate there was on each side of the road a line of youths, of twelve or fourteen years of age, well dressed, and having excellent muskets on their shoulders. Every step I advanced, young men with sprouting beards, handsome and well clothed, with fine muskets in their hands, were visible on every side.

As I went onwards, I found Englishmen standing, with long beards, of similar age, and with the same accoutrements and dress. After that I saw musketeers (bark-andáz), young men well dressed and arranged, drawn up in ranks. Further on, I saw Englishmen with white beards, clothed in brocade, with muskets on their shoulders, drawn up in two ranks, and in perfect array.

Next I saw some English children, handsome, and wearing pearls on the borders of their hats. In the same way, on both sides, as far as the door of the house where he abode, I found drawn up in ranks on both sides nearly seven thousand musketeers, dressed and accoutred as for a review.

I then went straight up to the place where he was seated on a chair. He wished me Good-day, his usual form of salutation; then he rose from his chair, embraced me, and signed for me to sit down on a chair in front of him.

After a few kind inquiries, our discourse turned upon different things, pleasant and unpleasant, bitter and sweet; but all he said was in a kind and friendly spirit towards 'Abdu-r Razzák. He inquired why his factors had been placed in confinement. Knowing that God and the Prophet of God would protect me, I answered,

“Although you do not acknowledge that shameful action, worthy of the reprobation of all sensible men, which was perpetrated by your wicked men, this question you have put to me is as if a wise man should ask where the sun is when all the world is filled with its rays.”

He replied, “Those who have an ill-feeling against me cast upon me the blame for the fault of others. How do you know that this deed was the work of my men? by what satisfactory proof will you establish this?” I replied,

“In that ship I had a number of wealthy acquaintances, and two or three poor ones, destitute of all worldly wealth. I heard from them that when the ship was plundered, and they were taken prisoners, some men, in the dress and with the looks of Englishmen, and on whose hands and bodies there were marks, wounds, and scars, said in their own language, ‘We got these scars at the time of the siege of Sídí Yákút, but to-day the scars have been removed from our hearts.’ A person who was with them knew Hindí and Persian, and he translated their words to my friends.”

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#58 [Permalink] Posted on 6th December 2014 11:21

On hearing this, he laughed loudly, and said, “It is true they may have said so. They are a party of Englishmen, who, having received wounds in the siege of Yákút Khán, were taken prisoners by him. Some of them parted from me, joined the Habshí, and became Musulmáns.

They stayed with Yákút Khán some time, and then ran away from him. But they had not the face to come back to me. Now they have gone and taken part with the díngmárs, or sakanas, who lay violent hands on ships upon the sea; and with them they are serving as pirates. Your sovereign's officers do not understand how they are acting, but cast the blame upon me.”

I smiling replied, “What I have heard about your readiness of reply and your wisdom, I have (now) seen. All praise to your ability for giving off-hand, and without consideration, such an exculpatory and sensible answer! But you must recall to mind that the hereditary Kings of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád and the good-for-nothing Sambhá have not escaped the hands of King Aurangzeb.

Is the island of Bombay a sure refuge?” I added, “What a manifest declaration of rebellion you have shown in coining rupees!”

He replied, “We have to send every year a large sum of money, the profits of our commerce, to our country, and the coins of the King of Hindústán are taken at a loss. Besides, the coins of Hindústán are of short weight, and much debased; and in this island, in the course of buying and selling them, great disputes arise.
Consequently we have placed our own names on the coins, and have made them current in our own jurisdiction.”

A good deal more conversation passed between us, and part of it seemed to vex him; but he showed himself throughout very thoughtful of 'Abdu-r Razzák Khán, and mindful of his obligation to protect him.

When the interview was over, he proffered me entertainment in their fashion; but as I had resolved from the first that I would not depart from the usual course in the present interview, I accepted only atr and pán, and was glad to escape.

The total revenue of Bombay, which is chiefly derived from betel-nuts and cocoa-nuts, does not reach to two or three lacs of rupees. The profits of the commerce of these misbelievers, according to report, does not exceed twenty lacs of rupees. The balance of the money required for the maintenance of the English settlement is obtained by plundering the ships voyaging to the House of God, of which they take one or two every year.

When the ships are proceeding to the ports of Mocha and Jedda laden with the goods of Hindústán, they do not interfere with them; but when they return bringing gold and silver and Ibráhímí and ríál, their spies have found out which ship bears the richest burden, and they attack it.

The Mahrattas also possess the newly-built forts of Khanderí, Kalába, Kása, and Katora, in the sea opposite the island fortress belonging to the Habshís. Their war-ships cruise about these forts, and attack vessels whenever they get the opportunity.

The sakanas also, who are sometimes called bawáríl, a lawless set of men belonging to Surat, in the province of Ahmadábád, are notorious for their piracies, and they attack from time to time the small ships which come from Bandar 'Abbásí and Maskat. They do not venture to attack the large ships which carry the pilgrims. The reprobate English act in the same way as the sakanas.

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#59 [Permalink] Posted on 6th December 2014 11:23

Destruction of a Royal Army by the Mahrattas.

Among the events of this year was the defeat of Kásim Khán and , who were sent to Danderí against Santá Ghorpúra. One day intelligence was brought that Kásim Khán's advanced force had been attacked by a division of the enemy, that all their portable goods had been plundered, and the standing camp set on fire.

Kásim Khán, on hearing this, endeavoured to push forward to their assistance; but he was surrounded by the enemy, and fighting went on till sunset. They had no food for man or animal. The nobles passed the night upon their elephants, and the men with their bridles in their hands.

At daybreak, the enemy became more daring, and the fighting more severe, for the Mahrattas swarmed on all sides. For three days the royal forces, overmatched and surrounded, did their best to repulse the enemy; but Kásim Khán was at length compelled to give ground and to retire fighting, to the shelter of the fort of Danderí.

The chief men got some hay and corn from the fort, but the soldiers got no food. Movement in any direction was scarcely possible. Thus they remained for three or four days under the shelter of the walls of the fort, and of the lines they threw up to protect themselves from the assaults of the enemy. Their camels and cattle fell into the hands of the Mahrattas.

While the fighting went on, the gates of the fort were kept closed, and the traders and inhabitants within let down food from the walls and sold it. On the fourth or fifth day the enemy got intelligence that Himmat Khán was coming with a force to the rescue.

Santá left half his force to keep Kásim Khán's army invested, and with the other marched against Himmat Khán. On learning that another force belonging to Rám Rája would act against Himmat Khán, he returned to his former position.

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#60 [Permalink] Posted on 6th December 2014 11:25

Meanwhile matters went ill with the royal forces, and Kásim Khán, with a few other officers, resolved upon taking refuge in the fort secretly, without the knowledge of their brethren in arms. Kásim Khán went out at night with the ostensible purpose of making the rounds.

Several reasons made it inexpedient to enter the gate, near which so many men and officers were gathered; so he ascended the walls by a rope-ladder. Rúhu-llah Khán, Saf-shikan Khán, and a crowd of soldiers in great tumult made their way in by the gate.

Muhammad Murád Khán and others, hearing of this, followed the example. In fine, for a month they were besieged within the four walls, and every day affairs grew worse with them. They were compelled to kill and eat their baggage and riding horses, which were themselves nearly starved. For all the greatest care and economy, the stores of grain in the fort were exhausted.

To escape from starvation many men threw themselves from the walls and trusted to the enemy's mercy. People brought fruit and sweetmeats from the enemy's bázár to the foot of the walls, and sold them at extravagant prices.

Reverses, disease, deficiency of water, and want of grain, reduced the garrison to the verge of death. Kásim Khán, according to report, poisoned himself, or else died from want of the usual potion of opium, for he was overcome with disappointment and rage.

Rúhu-llah Khán and the other officers were compelled to make overtures for a capitulation. Some officers went out to settle the terms of the ransom. Santá said, “Besides the elephants and horses, and money and property, which you have with you, I will not take less than a lac of huns,” equivalent to three lacs and 50,000 rupees.

A Dakhiní officer said, “What are you thinking of! this is a mere trifle. This is a ransom which I would fix for Rúhu-llah Khán alone.” Finally, seven lacs of rupees was settled as the ransom, the payment of which was to be distributed among the officers. Each one's share was settled, and he made an engagement to pay it as ransom, and to leave a relation or officer of rank with Santá as bail for payment.

Santá's officers sat down at the gate of the fort, and allowed each officer to take out his horse and his personal clothing, the others were allowed to carry out as much as they could bear in their arms. Everything else, money and jewels, horses and elephants, etc., were confiscated by Santá. The government and personal property lost during this war and siege exceeded fifty or sixty lacs of rupees.

Santá was delighted with the terms he had made with the defeated army. Soon afterwards he heard that Himmat Khán was approaching by forced marches to the relief of the besieged army. Santá divided his forces into two divisions, and marched to meet him. At the distance of sixteen kos the force under command of Santá fell in with Himmat Khán, and a great battle followed.

Himmat Khán fought with great spirit and bravery. Numberless Mahrattas were slain, and many of his own army perished. Santá's forces retreated, and the royal forces were led against the second army. Himmat Khán made arrangements for the pursuit.

By orders of Santá many musketeers had taken positions in the thick jungle and among the trees, to impede the advance of Himmat Khán. Some of the best marksmen had climbed the trees, and concealed themselves among the thick branches. When Himmat Khán approached, a ball entered his forehead and killed him immediately. All the baggage and elephants and munitions of war belonging to Himmat Khán then fell bodily into the hands of Santá.

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Mughal Emperor Sultan Aurangzeb Alamgir : Bad Ruler or Bad History?

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