Mughal Emperor Sultan Aurangzeb Alamgir : Bad Ruler or Bad History?

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#31 [Permalink] Posted on 3rd October 2014 11:02

Continued by Saad:

Tenth Year of The Reign, 1077 A.H. (1667 A.D.)

Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin, and intelligence reached the Court of the death of Rája Jai Singh.

Eleventh Year of The Reign, 1078 A.H. (1668 A.D.)

After the expiration of ten years (of the reign), authors were forbidden to write the events of this just and righteous Emperor's reign. Nevertheless some competent persons (did write), and particularly Musta'idd Khán, who secretly wrote an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding at all to the misfortunes of the campaign; and Bindrában, who wrote an abridged account of the events of some years of the second and third decades.

But I have neither seen nor obtained any history that contains a full and detailed account of the forty remaining years of the reign. Consequently, from the eleventh to the twenty-first year of the Emperor's reign, I have not been able to relate the events in the order in which they occurred, giving the month and year; but after this year, with very great labour and pains, I collected information from the papers in the public offices, and by inquiry made from truthful persons, the confidential and old servants of the Emperor and old eunuchs.

This, and whatsoever I myself observed, after attaining years of discretion, for thirty or forty years, I laid up in the strong box (of my memory), and that I have written. And since I heard that Bindrában Dás Bahádur Sháhí, who was long a mutasaddi of Sháh 'Álam during the time he was a prince, had compiled a history, and had included in it an account of upwards of thirty years, being exceedingly anxious to see it, I made great search for it.

Subsequently when, after great trouble, I obtained a copy, and examined it carefully from beginning to end, in the hope that I might gather the rich fruits of his labours, I discovered that his work did not contain one-half of what I had collected and included in my own history.

The King of happy disposition strove earnestly from day to day to put in force the rules of the Law, and to maintain the Divine commands and prohibitions. Orders were also issued prohibiting the collection of the ráhdárí, the pándarí, and other imposts which brought in lacs of rupees to the State.

Prohibitions were promulgated against intoxicating drinks, against taverns and brothels, and against the meetings called játras or fairs, at which on certain dates countless numbers of Hindús, men and women of every tribe, assemble at their idol temples— when lacs of rupees change hands in buying and selling, and from which large sums accrue to the provincial treasuries.

The minstrels and singers of reputation in the service of the Court were made ashamed of their occupation, and were advanced to the dignities of mansabs. Public proclamations were made prohibiting singing and dancing.

It is said that one day a number of singers and minstrels gathered together with great cries, and having fitted up a bier with a good deal of display, round which were grouped the public wailers, they passed under the Emperor's jharokha-i darsan, or interview-window. When he inquired what was intended by the bier and the show, the minstrels said that Music was dead, and they were carrying his corpse for burial.

Aurangzeb then directed them to place it deep in the ground, that no sound or cry might afterwards arise from it.

In the reigns of former kings, and up to this year, the jharokha-i darsan had been a regular institution. Although the King might be suffering from bodily indisposition, he went to the jharokha once or twice a day at stated times, and put his head out of the window to show that he was safe. This window, at Ágra and at Dehlí, was constructed on the side looking towards the Jumna.

Besides the nobles in attendance at the Court, hundreds of thousands of men and women of all classes used to collect under the jharokha and offer their blessings and praises. Many Hindús were known by the name of darsaní, for until they had seen the person of the King at the window, they put not a morsel of food into their mouths.

His religious Majesty looked upon this as among the forbidden and unlawful practices, so he left off sitting in the window, and forbade the assembling of the crowd beneath it.

Twelfth Year of The Reign.

Escape of Sivají.

Sivají left Mathurá after changing his clothes and shaving off his beard and whiskers, carrying with him his youthful son and forty or fifty individuals, servants and dependents, who all smeared their faces with ashes, and assumed the appearance of Hindú mendicants.

The valuable jewels and the gold mohurs and the huns they carried with them were concealed in walking sticks, which had been hollowed out for the purpose, and were covered at the top with knobs. Some was sewed up in old slippers, and the wearers, pretending to be Hindú mendicants of three different classes, Bairágís, Gosáíns, and Udásís, proceeded by way of Alláhábád to Benares. One very valuable diamond with some rubies was encased in wax, and concealed in the dress of one of his followers, and other jewels were placed in the mouths of other attendants.

So they proceeded until they reached a place of which the faujdár, 'Alí Kulí Khán, had received private and public notice of Sivají's escape. The faujdár, knowing of the escape of Sivají, on hearing of the arrival of these three parties of Hindú devotees, ordered them all to be placed in confinement, and an inquiry to be made. All these men and some other travellers remained in con*finement a night and a day.

On the second night Sivají, at the second watch of the night, proceeded alone to the faujdár in private, and acknowledged that he was Sivají. But, said he, “I have two gems, a diamond and a ruby of great value, with more than a lac of rupees.

If you secure me and send me back a prisoner, or if you cut off my head and forward that, the two priceless jewels will be lost to you. Here am I, and here is my head; but still, keep off thine hand from wretched me in this dangerous strait.” 'Alí Kulí preferred the ready bribe to the hope of the reward which might afterwards accrue to him.

He took the two valuable jewels, and on the following morning, after making inquiries, he released all the devotees and travellers from custody.

Sivají, looking upon his escape as a new lease of life, hastened to pursue his journey in the direction of Benares. He himself in rapid travelling and walking beat even the regular runners; but after reaching Alláhábád, his young son Sambhá, who accompanied him, was foot-sore and worn out. Sivají therefore at Benares gave a quantity of jewels and money, and placed his boy in the charge of a Bráhman, named Kabkalas, who was the hereditary family priest of his family, and who happened at that time to be at Benares.

Sivají promised that if he reached home alive, he would write to the Bráhman, who was then to conduct the boy to his father by the road and in the manner prescribed in the letter. He warned him against listening to the wishes of the boy, or attending to letters from his mother. Having thus provided for the care of his boy, he continued his flight, and he had hardly entered Benares before the government messengers brought the news of Sivají's escape.

Sivají then continued his flight by way of Bihár, Patna and Chánda, which is a thickly-wooded country and difficult of passage. Every place he came to, he and his followers changed their disguises, and so passed on from place to place secretly till he reached Haidarábád, and came to 'Abdu-llah Kutbu-l Mulk.

There he told such stories and used such arts and wiles to forward his purpose that he deceived 'Abdu-llah Sháh.

Continued إن شاء الله

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#32 [Permalink] Posted on 13th October 2014 16:07

السلام عليكم

Saad continues:

Conquests of Sivají.

Sundry forts which had belonged to the Kutb-Sháhí kings had passed into the hands of the 'Ádil-Sháhís. Sivají had a great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts, and he swore to 'Abdu-lla Sháh, that if he would supply him with forces and the means for conducting sieges, he would in a short time wrest these forts from the Bíjápúrís, and hand them over to the officers appointed to accompany him; he would not even accept some forts which had belonged to himself, and were in the possession of the officers of Aurangzeb, if he recovered them by the means supplied him.

He vowed also that for the remainder of his life he would remain the devoted servant and adherent of 'Abdu-lla Sháh. The ultimate objects of the arch de*ceiver never entered into the consideration of 'Abdu-llah Sháh. He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations, whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord with Sivají.

Sivají, with the force placed under his command, marched on his enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous skill in the conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell into his hands after a few days' investment. He cajoled the officers who had been sent with him to take charge of the captured forts, with plausible statements, with promises of giving them the command of more important places, and by using the money and property he had obtained from the captured strongholds.

So he carried them with him to other forts, and in a short time he reduced Sattára, Parnála, and ten or twelve other renowned forts belonging to Bíjápúr, which it would have taken years and lacs of expense to conquer.

He then marched against Rájgarh, and other forts which had been captured by Rája Jai Singh, Diler Khán, and other Imperial generals, the keys of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered them all, he placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of 'Abdu-llah Sháh.

According to common report, and the oral statements of men of Haidarábád, Sivají came to that city in the first or second year of the reign of Abú-l Hasan, and succeeded in wheedling and satisfying that sovereign. When he had finished his fortress-taking, according to his wont, he took up his abode at Rájgarh, and there again raised the standard of rebellion.

In the days when the fortifications of the port of Surat were not yet completed, he attacked and took the place. There he obtained an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and uncoined, and in the stuffs of Kashmír, Ahmadábád, and other places.

He also made prisoners of some thousand Hindú men and women of name and station, and Musulmáns of honourable position. Krors in money and goods thus came into the hands of that evil infidel.

Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of Surat, ordered that the fortifications of that port should be completed; and he placed Diler Khán and Khán-Jahán in com*mand of an army to punish Sivají. It is said that Sivají got together some ten or twelve thousand Kachh and Arab horses, so that when he sent out an army most of the horsemen were bárgírs, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him.

He rebuilt the forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and he con*structed also vessels of war, which were kept under the guns of the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca.

When Sivají had satisfied himself of the security of Rájgarh, his old retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his thoughts towards finding some other more inaccessible hill as a place for his abode. After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of Ráhírí, a very high and strong place.

The ascent of this place was three kos, and it was situated twenty-four kos from the sea; but an inlet of the sea was about seven kos from the foot of the hill. The road to Surat passed near the place, and that port was ten or twelve stages distant by land. Rájgarh was four or five stages off. The hills are very lofty and difficult of ascent. Rain falls there for about five months in the year.

The place was a dependency of the Kokan, belonging to Nizámu-l Mulk. Having fixed on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither from Rájgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns were mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads around, leaving only one leading to his fortress.

One day he called an assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold bracelet worth a hundred pagodas before the people, he ordered proclamation to be made that this would be given to any one who would ascend to the fort, and plant a flag, by any other than the appointed road, without the aid of ladder or rope. A Dher came forward, and said that with the permission of the Rája he would mount to the top of the hill, plant the flag, and return.

He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came down again, and made his obeisance. Sivají ordered that the purse of money and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he should be set at liberty; and he gave directions for closing the way by which the Dher had ascended.

At the first, Ráhírí was attached to the Kokan, and belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of the dependencies of Bíjápúr passed into the possession of the Emperor Sháh Jahán. When the Imperial government became friendly with Bíjápúr, the Kokan, which had belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, was granted to 'Ádil Sháh in exchange for territory newly acquired by Bíjápúr.

Fath Khán, an Afghán, was appointed governor of the country on the part of Bíjápúr, and he posted himself in the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí, which is situated half in the sea and half on land. Subsequently he built the fort of Jazíra upon an island in the sea, about a cannon-shot distant from Dandá-Rájpúrí, in a very secure position, so that, if the governor of the country was hard pressed by an enemy, he might have a secure retreat in that place.

After Sivají had fixed his abode at Ráhírí, which is twenty kos from Dandá-Rájpúrí, he appointed a commandant of that fortress. In a short time, he reduced and occupied seven other forts, small and great, in that neighbourhood, and then resolved upon the conquest of Dandá-Rájpúrí. Fath Khán had observed the triumphant progress of Sivají, and how fortress after fortress had fallen into his hands.

So Fath Khán lost courage; he abandoned Dandá-Rájpúrí, and retired to the island fortress in the sea. Sivají then resolved to effect the conquest of the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath Khán was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender the place to Sivají, upon a pledge of security to himself and the garrison.

Fath Khán had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sídí Sambal, Sídí Yákút, and Sídí Khairiyat, each of whom had ten Abyssinian slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The management of the island and of many domestic concerns was in the hands of these Abyssinians.

These three men got information of the enemy's power, and of Fath Khán's intention of surrendering the island to Sivají. They took counsel together, and resolved that no good could come from allowing the island to pass into the hands of any infidel.

So they determined to take Fath Khán prisoner, and to make Sídí Sambal governor of the fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these Abyssinians seized Fath Khán unawares, placed chains upon his legs, and wrote a statement of the facts to 'Ádil Sháh Bíjápúrí.

They also wrote to Khán-Jahán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin, begging the aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his forces by sea from Surat. Khán-Jahán graciously bestowed mansabs and presents on each of the three Abyssinians.

Khán-Jahán also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivají. Hegot together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began the rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some ships of war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he attacked the vessels of Sivají which lay near the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí, and captured them with two hundred sailors trained for warlike work.

One hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had lately been appointed to this duty by Sivají. Stones were tied to the feet of these men, and they were thrown into the sea. From that day forth the animosity between the Abyssinians and Sivají grew more violent. Sivají collected forty or fifty vessels of war to defend the forts of Kalába and Gandírí, which were the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-shore. He then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of Jazíra (Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians.

There were frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the Abyssinians were often victorious.

Sídí Sambal was advanced to a mansab of 900, and then he died. Before he expired he made Sídí Yákút his successor, and enjoined all the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and cheerful obedience. Sídí Yákút was distinguished among his people for courage, benignity and dignity. He now strove more than ever to collect ships of war, to strengthen the fortress, and to ward off naval attacks.

He was armed and ready night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy, and cut off the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat. He used to write reports to Khán-Jahán, and he frequently received marks of approbation from him. He was constantly revolving in his mind plans for wresting the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí from the hands of Sivají.

He got together some rockets, which he fastened to trees, and discharged them at night against the fort.

Sivají also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of Jazíra. But he now retired to a dwelling about three kos to celebrate the holí, leaving in command at Rájpúrí some officers experienced in siege work, to prosecute incessantly the opera*tions against Jazíra during his absence, and he held out to them the reward of a man of gold and other presents.

One night, while the garrison of Dandá-Rájpúrí were celebrating the holí, and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sídí Yákút sent on shore four or five hundred men under Sídí Khairiyat with ropes, ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty boats laden with siege matériel under the walls of Rájpúrí, and gave the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival.

They found the garrison off their guard, and Sídí Khairiyat assaulted the place with loud cries from the land side. When the enemy took the alarm, and rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sídí Yákút planted his scaling-ladders, which he had brought in his boats, and by means of these and of ropes, his brave followers scaled the walls, and quickly made their way up.

Some of the assailants were cast into the sea, and were drowned, others fell under the swords of the defenders, but the storming party forced its way into the fort, and raised the cry, “Strike! kill!” Just at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sídí Yákút.

The smoke and the noise made it difficult to dis*tinguish friend from foe, but Sídí Yákút raised his war-cry, and encouraged his men to slaughter the defenders who had escaped the fire. Sídí Khairiyat also scaled the walls on his side, and the place was taken.

I, the author, was in that country some time, and I repeatedly heard from many men, and from the mouth of Yákút Khán himself, that when the magazine blew up, although Sivají was twenty kos off, it awoke him from sleep, and he said that some misfortune had fallen on Dandá-Rájpúrí, and he sent men to ascertain what had happened.

At this time Sivají's forces had gone to attack the neighbour*hood of Surat. Within the space of four or five kos from Rájpúrí there were six or seven Nizámu-l Mulkí forts which had fallen into the hands of Sivají, but he was unable at this time to render them any assistance.

So Sídí Yákút seized the oppor*tunity to attack them. Six forts surrendered after two or three days' resistance, but the commandant of one fort held out for a week in the hope of relief from Sivají. The Abyssinians pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a fire that he was obliged to surrender. Sídí Yákút granted quarter to the garrison, and seven hundred persons came out.

But notwith*standing his word, he made the children and pretty women slaves, and forcibly converted them to Islám. The old and ugly women he set free, but the men he put to death. This struck such terror into the hearts of Sivají and his followers that he was obliged to confine himself to securing Ráhírí.

Sídí Yákút sent an account of his victory to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to Khán-Jahán. His mansab was raised, a robe of honour was sent to him, and he received the title of Khán. Similar honours were also given to Sídí Khairiyat.

A report reached Sivají that his son Sambhá, whom he had left at Alláhábád with the Bráhman, was dead, and Sambhájí's wife wanted to become a satí, but a few months afterwards the Bráhman arrived, bringing Sambhájí with him.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#33 [Permalink] Posted on 13th October 2014 16:12

Saad contiues:

Taxes.

An order was promulgated exempting the commercial goods of Musulmáns from tax throughout the dominions of Hindústán. But after a short time, upon the reports of the revenue officers, and by recommendation of good and experienced persons, an order was issued that every article belonging to Musulmáns, the price of which was not large, should pass free; but that goods of value should pay duty.

Goods belonging to partners were not to be troubled with duties. The revenue officers then reported that Musulmáns had adopted the practice of dividing their goods into small parcels in order to avoid the duty, and that they passed the goods of Hindús in their names, and thus the payment of the zakát prescribed by the Law was avoided. So an order was given that, according to the Law, two and a half per cent. should be taken from Musulmáns and five per cent. from Hindús.

[Disturbances among the Yúsufzáís.]

War with Bíjápúr.

In the sixteenth year of the reign, cor*responding to 1083 A.H. (1673 A.D.), Khán-Jahán fought a battle with Bahlol, the Bíjápúr general, near the town of Málkher, about four stages from Bíjápúr. Islám Khán Rúmí fought splendidly, and the Imperial army was worsting the enemy in all directions, when an explosion of gunpowder took place, which so frightened the elephant of Islám Khán that the driver lost all control of it, and the animal carried off his rider to the lines of the enemy, where Islám Khán was dragged off the elephant and killed.

A good deal of the baggage of the Imperial army was plundered, and many men were slain in the battle. Aurangzeb received the news of the defeat of Diler Khán and the death of Islám Khán in the Dakhin, while he was at Hasan Abdál on his march against the Afgháns, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of his reign, and he was obliged to defer the punishment of the Dakhinís for the time.

The Emperor returned from Hasan Abdál to the capital at the end of the eighteenth or nineteenth year of his reign.

Riot of Hindú Devotees.

One of the remarkable occurrences of this year was the outburst of the Hindú devotees called Sat-námís , who are also known by the name of Mundíhs. There were four or five thousand of these, who were householders in the parganas of Nárnaul and Mewát.

These men dress like devotees, but they nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade, though their trade is on a small scale. In the way of their religion they have dignified themselves with the title of “Good name,” this being the meaning of Sat-nám. They are not allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If any one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have weapons and arms.

At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abdál, a strong altercation arose one day near Nárnaul, between a man of this sect, who was engaged in agricultural work, and a man who was keeping watch over the harvest. The latter broke the Sat-námí's head with his staff. A number of Sat-námís then collected and beat the watchman, so that they left him for dead.

When intelligence reached the shikkdár, he assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sat-námís. Meantime numbers of the Sat-námís assembled. They attacked the shikkdár's men, overpowered them, wounded several, and took away their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and information was carried to Kár-talab Khán, faujdár of Nárnaul.

He sent a large force of horse and foot to the assistance of the shikkdár, and to punish and seize the rioters. The Sát-námís fought this force also, wounded and killed a great many of them, and put the rest to flight. Matters grew worse, and the faujdár set about collecting more men, both horse and foot, and called to his assistance the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood.

With his old and new men, and with the levies from the zamíndárs, he marched against the rioters, and gave them battle. He killed a good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to fly.

To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights the faujdár was killed, and the town of Nárnaul fell into the hands of the Sat-námís. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the villages, and established posts of their own. When the Emperor reached Dehlí, he was informed of this outbreak, and he sent force after force to quell it, but they were all defeated and dispersed.

It was said that swords, arrows, and musket-balls had no effect upon these men, and that every arrow and ball which they discharged against the royal army brought down two or three men. Thus they were credited with magic and witch*craft, and stories were currently reported about them which were utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard.

Great rájas and veteran amírs were sent against them with powerful armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and advanced to about sixteen or seventeen kos from Dehlí. The royal army went forth boldly to attack them; but the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, and some cowardly Rájpúts, seized the opportunity to throw off their obedience, and to withhold the government dues.

They even broke out into open violence, and the flames daily increased. The King ordered his tents to be brought out. He then wrote some prayers and devices with his own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the banners and standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by the exertions of Rája Bishan Singh, Hámid Khán, and others, several thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to flight, so that the outbreak was quelled.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#34 [Permalink] Posted on 13th October 2014 17:01

Saad continues:

Re-Imposition of the Jizya.

With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguishing the land of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, or poll-tax, was imposed upon the Hindus throughout all the provinces. Upon the publication of this order, the Hindus all round Dehli assembled in vast numbers under the jharokha of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to represent their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict.

But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, when he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast multitude of Hindus thronged the road from the palace to the mosque, with the object of seeking relief.

Money-changers and drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdu bazar, mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left off work and business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding orders were given to force a way through, it was impossible for the Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the crowd increased, and the Emperor's equipage was brought to a stand-still.

At length an order was given to bring out the elephants and direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death under the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindus continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at length they submitted to pay the jizya.

Death of Raja Jaswant Singh.

Intelligence now arrived of the death of Raja Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kabul with reinforcements. After the death of the Raja, his foolish servants took away the Raja's two sons, named Ajit Singh and Dalathaman, who were of tender years, and the Rajas nieces also.

Without waiting for permission from Aurangzeb, and without even obtaining a pass from the Subedar of the province, they set off towards the capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak (Attock), they were unable to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats refused to let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and wounded some of his men, and by force made good their way over the river and went onwards towards Dehli.

There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor's heart respecting Raja Jaswant's tribute, which was aggravated by these presumptuous proceedings of the Rajputs. He ordered the kotwal to take his own men, with an additional force obtained from the mansabdars, as well as some artillery, and to surround the camp of the Rajputs, and keep guard over them. After some days, a party of Rajputs sought permission to go home. Their request was made known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right and proper, it was granted.

Meanwhile the Rajputs had obtained two boys of the same age as the Raja's children. They dressed some of the female attendants in the garments of the rajas nieces, and taking every precaution that their stratagem should not be discovered, they left these women and the boys under guard in their camp.

The (real) rajas niece's, disguised as men, went off at night in charge of two trusty servants and a party of devoted Rajputs, and made their way with all speed to their own country. The brave and active chiefs, who might have stopped or overtaken them, were keeping guard over the tents in which the pretended children of the Raja were.

After two or three watches, when a report of the fact was made, some officials were sent to make inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the rajas sons and the children were still there. Orders were then given for taking all the Raja's followers into the fortress.

The Rajputs and the disguised women, who were ready to fight like men for the honour of their Raja, made a determined resistance. Many were killed, but a party escaped.

The flight of the rajas neices was not clearly proved. Some men, who wished to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence in the matter, asserted that the boys had escaped, and that the wazir had sent out a force to secure them. The royal forces went in pursuit twenty kos from Dehlhi, but they could not overtake the Rajputs, and returned unsuccessful.

The two (substituted) boys were given into the charge of the women of the royal harem, and were there brought up. The two boys which the Rajputs carried off were for a long time rejected by Aurangzeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Rajas nieces; of Chitor, who married Ajit Singh to a girl of his family.

The Rana; and other Rajputs. Defection of Prince Akbar.

At the beginning of Zil hijja of the twenty-second year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmer, with the intention of bringing the refractory Rajputs to punishment. A strict farman was sent to the Rana of Chitor, calling upon him to assent to the payment of the jizya, and directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpur the two alleged sons of Raja Jaswant Singh.

After a short stay at Ajmer, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpur, and other Rajput districts. The Rana feeling himself incapable of resistance, sent his vakils with tribute and a letter declaring his obedience in the matter of the jizya, but offering to give over two or three parganas (districts) in commutation.

He declared that he was not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally begged forgiveness for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khann-Jahan Bahadur to complete the arrangements in this quarter, and returned to Dehli His journey to Ajmer and back occupied seven months and twenty days.

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Rana had again broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so that Khan-Jahan could bring him to no final settlement. This kindled the flames of the Emperor's wrath, and towards the end of the same year, he set off again to Ajmer, with the intention of punishing the Rana and the other evil-disposed Rajputs.

He wrote to Prince Mu'azzam, directing him to come from the Dakhin to Ujjain, and Prince Muhammad A'zam was ordered to march with all speed from Bengal. When the King's tents were pitched near Ajmer, Prince Muhammad Akbar was sent with a large force to attack and chastise the Rana. Shah Kuli Khan, who was promoted and received the title of Tahawwur Khan, was placed in command of his advanced guard.

When the Rana heard of these preparations, he laid pior, his capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with a strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare.

Another force was sent to ravage the country of the Rana and destroy the crops. When Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived at Ujjain, he was directed to march against the lake of Aná-ságar, which belonged to the Rana and was about eighty kos from Ajmer. His orders were to station his army about that neighbourhood, and to trample every scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses.

It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A'zam had shown such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him, that he had compressed four months' march into less than one, and came up with his army. He was ordered to march through the mountains and central fastnesses of the Rana into the territories of the Rathors, and there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among the Rajputs.

He was also ordered to employ a force in preventing the transport of supplies to the Rana and in stopping cultivation. Nearly twenty-five thousand horse, Rahtors, belonging to the territories of Jaswant, and other Rajputs, assembled to support the Rana and had the boldness to attack the royal forces, and to fall upon their supplies.

They allured several thousand of the royal forces into the heart of the Rana's fastnesses. There they attacked them, and killed many, both horse and foot; but the royal forces at length prevailed and beat them. Notwithstanding that the Rajputs held all the roads through the hills, and came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince's forces by surprise, the Prince's army fought bravely, and Tahawwur Khan and others rendered distinguished service in chastising the enemy.

They employed themselves in laying waste the country, destroying temples and buildings, cutting down fruit-trees, and making prisoners of the women and children of the infidels who had taken refuge in holes and ruined places.

Orders were also issued to Muhammad Ameen Khan, Subedar of Ahmadabad, directing him to take up a position with his forces between Ahmadabad and the territories of the Rajputs, and to march against them wherever he heard of them.

Khan-Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash was re-appointed Subedar of the Dakhin, and sent to lay siege to the fort of Salar, which had fallen into the possession of the enemy.

When the Rana was hard pressed, and his allies were crippled, when not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was to be found, the Rana and the Rathor Rajputs had recourse again to lies and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor for their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them.

The Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Nawab Begum the mother of the Prince, being informed of what was passing, gave good counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from yielding an assent; and from giving any aid, assistance, or intercession on behalf of the Rajputs.

She even persuaded him not to allow the vakils of the Rana to approach him. When they despaired of success in this quarter, the Rajputs betook themselves to Prince Muhammad Akbar, taking advantage of his youth, and the favour of some of his friends.

Durga Das was their spokesman. He was noted among them for his plausibility, and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince that they would supply him with forty thousand Rajput horse, and with abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he was deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their persuasions.

So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from the path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he fell into the snares of the Rajputs.

Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, when he heard of these doings, wrote a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince, to whom he was much attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, informing him that the false and deceitful infidels were using all their wiles to mislead the Prince, and that he must watch against being taken unawares. Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of Muhammad Akbar; but report had cast an evil aspersion on the name of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at the time when Aurangzeb was at Hasan Abdal.

The infidels had addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam in the first instance, and Aurangzeb had received information about it, so he now thought that Mu'azzam's letter about his brother Akbar was sheer calumny. Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of making a false charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him in the right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil suggestions of designing people.

Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand Rajputs under Durga Das joined the Prince. The news spread from tent to tent, and was the talk of young and old. It was reported that he had ascended the throne, and that coins had been struck in his name; that Tahawwur Khan had been made a haft-hazari and had received the title of Amiru-l umara that Mujahid Khan, and other great servants of the State, who were with the Prince, had received distinguished honours, which some of them had felt themselves constrained to accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the affections of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb.

On the forces being sent off, under the command of Prince Akbar, against the infidels, only Asad Khan and a limited number of officers and men were left in attendance upon the Emperor. All his retinue, counting the eunuchs and writers, did not exceed seven or eight hundred horsemen. A great panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild confusion followed.

A letter under the royal signature was sent off in haste to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, urging him to come with all his army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the Prince received it, he marched without a moment's delay to join his father. Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under protection, he set off with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten days' journey into the space of two or three, he joined his father, bringing with him Prince Mu'izzu-d deen and Muhammad 'Azzam.

When Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived with his nine or ten thousand horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty force of seventy thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad Akbar was approaching to the attack, no man of the army had any hope of escape.

The expressions of some of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam's thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb's caution and prudence. Suspicion arose in his heart, and he thought it advisable to order that his guns should be pointed against the Prince's army, and he sent a message desiring the Prince to leave his army, and to come to him in all speed with his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and hastened to wait upon his father.

The precautions taken by the Rajputs prevented intelligence being obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad Akbar. Shahabu-d deen, son of Kalich Khan, a brave and intelligent man, was sent out with a force to reconnoitre. On coming in sight of the Prince's army, Shahabu-d deen's brother, Mujahid Khan, who was with the Prince, and had found it necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity to escape, went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he would go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince's side.

Permission being given, Mujahid Khan took all the money and valuables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two brothers then went together to the Emperor.

Aurangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news which reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the two brothers, he recovered his spirits. He directed that Shahbu-d been should be addressed with the title of Khan, and he also conferred great favours on Mujahid Khan.

From the latter he learnt the state of the Prince's army, and about those who were acting with him from choice or from necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it was ascertained that after the departure of Mujahid Khan, dissensions had arisen in the Prince's army.

Khwaja Makrim, a confidential adherent of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, led an advanced force towards the army of Prince Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The Khwaja was wounded, and so were two or three men on the other side; but he ascertained that Tahawwur Khan had advanced from the Prince's army with a small escort, intending to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb.

On this being reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Khán should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence. The Khan demurred to putting off his arms, so Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man.

It was now stated to the Emperor that Tahawwur Khan had come, under the orders of Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make known his pretensions and demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb's anger blazed forth, and he placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered that the Khan should be allowed to enter with his arms.
But one of the attendants, in an insulting way, placed his hand upon the Khan's breast to stop him. The Khan struck him a blow on the face and retreated, but his foot caught in a rope, and he fell down. Cries of “Strike! slay!” arose on all sides. Numbers fell upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head was cut off. After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under his clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real intentions were.

The author of this work heard from Khwaja Makrim, afterwards Jan-nisar Khan, and from several of his contemporaries, in their old age, that Tahawwur Khan returned in good faith, in consequence of a letter he had received from 'Inayat Khan, his father-in-law, who was a private secretary of Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off his arms was an insult to his position, his services, and his character. However it may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince's army, and among his Rajputs, and they were much dispirited.

It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a letter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should fall into the hands of the Rajputs. In it he praised the Prince for having won over the Rajputs as he had been instructed, and that now he should crown his service by bringing them into a position where they would be under the fire of both armies.

This letter was the cause of great divisions among them. Such is the story I have heard, but not from any trustworthy person. For all the mighty force which Prince Akbar brought against his father, the sword was not drawn, and no battle was fought, but his army was completely broken. The Prince was soon informed that the Rajputs had abandoned him.

There remained with him only Durga Das, two or three confidential officers of the Rana and a small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage, self-reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took to flight. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was ordered to pursue him.

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#35 [Permalink] Posted on 13th October 2014 17:08

Saad continues:

Twenty-Third Year of The Reign, 1090 A.H. (1679-80 A.D.).

Affairs of the Dakhin. Death of Sivají.

Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh, after arriving at the Khujista-bunyád Aurangábád, according to order, laid siege to the fort of Sálír. Many Rájpúts were killed, and many Musulmáns also fell. He pressed the siege for four or five months, but making no impression, he withdrew to Aurangábád.

The hell-dog Sivají went forth with an army on a plundering expedition, and while Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár, was at Burhánpúr, he entered Khandesh, and plundered the town of Dharan-gánw, one of the most flourishing places in that country. Afterwards he ravaged and burnt Chopra and other parganas. He then marched against Jálna, a rich mercantile place in the Bálághát. In the course of the same year he was attacked with illness and died.

The date of his death is found in the words, “Káfir ba-jahannam raft,” “The infidel went to hell,” which was discovered by the writer of these pages. Sivají left two sons, Sambhá and Rám Rája. The former succeeded him. He made Kabkalas, the Bráhman who brought him from Allahábád, his minister.

Sivají had always striven to maintain the honour of the people in his territories. He persevered in a course of rebellion, in plundering caravans, and troubling mankind; but he entirely abstained from other disgraceful acts, and was careful to maintain the honour of the women and children of Muhammadans when they fell into his hands.

His injunctions upon this point were very strict, and any one who disobeyed them received punishment. But the son, unlike his father, obtained an evil name by collecting round him women of all tribes, and by assailing the honour of the women of the places in which he dwelt.

His father never showed any backwardness in attacking and plundering prosperous places, but he never made any attack upon Aurangábád and Burhánpúr, the provincial capitals of the Imperial dynasty. If any of his counsellors advised an attack upon these places, he very wisely and prudently forbade it; “for,” said he, “if we attack these places, the honour of Aurangzeb will be wounded, and he will march hither himself, and then, God knows how the strife will end!”

When Sivají was dead, his wretched son Sambhá desired to surpass his father. He raised the standard of rebellion, and on the 20th Muharram, in the twenty-third year of the reign, corresponding with 1091 A.H. (15th February, 1680), he attacked Kákar Khán Afghán, who acted as collector of the jizya, under Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin. Sambhá was returning with nearly twenty thousand men from a plundering expedition in Birár.

He made a forced march of three or four kos, as was the practice in those days, and early in the morning made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant of his approach. Thus he fell upon Bahádur-púr, one kos and a half from Burhánpúr. This place was rich, and there were many bankers and merchants in it. Jewels, money, and goods from all parts of the world were found there in vast abundance.

He surrounded and attacked this place, and also another town called Hafda-púra, which was outside of the fortifications, and his attack was so sudden and unexpected, especially upon Bahádur-pur, that no one was able to save a dám or a diram of his property, or a single one of his wives and children.

Kákar Khán, with his men in the city, saw the smoke of these towns rising to the sky, but he had not a force sufficient to go out and attack the plunderers, so he shut himself up within the walls and looked after the security of his gates and defences. Seven*teen other places of note, such as Hasan-púra, etc., in the neighbourhood of the city, all wealthy and flourishing places, were plundered and burnt.

Many honourable men girded on their swords, and, joining in the fight, attained martyrdom. Others submitted themselves humbly to the will of God. Some who were near the fortress took their wives and children by the hand, and fled in distress within the walls. For three days the plunderers ravaged these towns at their will. Large sums of money fell into their hands, much of which had been buried for long periods, and sometimes in places unknown even to the householders.

They then repeatedly attempted to carry the fortress by assault. But the officers took their stations at the gates and other points of attack, and with great bravery beat off the assailants. Being unable to enter the city, the plunderers carried off with them the gold, silver, jewels, and other articles of value which were portable; but many other things which they had taken they were obliged to leave behind, because they could not carry them.

The property which was thrown into the streets of the bázárs and burnt exceeded all computation.

Intelligence of this raid upon the neighbourhood of Burhánpúr was carried by runners to Aurangábád, to Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh. He immdiately took horse, and accomplished three or four days' march in one day and night, and reached the pass of Fardápúr, thirty-two kos distant. There it became necessary to wait three or four watches to rest the animals, and to provide means for crossing the river.

According to the current reports of some men who took a worldly view of things, and had a bad opinion of Khán-Jahán, some emissaries of Sambhájí came to him with an immense sum of money, and prevailed upon him to halt there for four or five watches. One thing is certain. After the enemy were repulsed from Burhánpúr, the burden of their plunder, and the knowledge of Khán-Jahán's pursuit, prevented them from reaching their renowned but distant fortresses.

They were obliged to go to the fort of Sálír, in Baglána, which was the nearest of their strongholds. They went by way of Mustafa-ábád or Chopra. Under these circumstances the proper course for Khán-Jahán was to leave Fardápúr without delay, and, bearing towards his left hand, to pass through Dharan-gánw and Chopra, to intercept the marauders. But, through the represen*tations of Sambhájí's emissaries, he went towards his right hand, contrary to what was desirable, and proceeded to 'Ídal-ábád.

When the enemy heard this, he made the most of his opportu*nity, and carried off all the plunder he could transport, and all his prisoners, by a rapid march, through Chopra, to the fort of Sálír, which he reached in four or five days.

The principal inhabitants of Burhánpúr wrote a statement to Aurangzeb, describing the success of the enemy, the loss inflicted on the property and honour of Muhammadans, and the discontinuance of the public prayers on Fridays. Aurangzeb then wrote a letter strongly censuring Khán-Jahán, and announcing his own intention of proceeding to the Dakhin.

In his anger he took away from Khán-Jahán all the increased honours and emolu*ments he had conferred upon him in that year. Considering the disorders in the Dakhin, and the flight of Prince Muhammad Akbar, he gave orders for his travelling equipage to move towards Burhánpúr.

continued إن شاء الله

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#36 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 14:53

Bro saad continues:

Twenty-Fourth Year of The Reign, 1091 A.H. (1680 A.D.)

Prince Akbar.

When Prince Muhammad Akbar took to flight, not more than three or four hundred men remained with him. Some of them were his own old followers, and others were Rájpúts. All his property and treasure and guns fell into the hands of the royal army, as well as one son, a boy of tender years, named Nekú Siyar, and two daughters. One son, who had arrived at years of discretion, remained with the Rájpúts.

The Prince himself was distracted, and knew not whither to go. At one time he thought of going to Dehlí and Láhore by way of Ajmír. Then he proposed to go to Persia. Whichever way he turned, the faujdárs and zamíndárs, under orders from the Emperor, blocked his way. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam received orders to pursue him; but the common report is that he only made a feint of doing so, and marched leisurely.

Akbar proceeded by way of Láhore and Multán, and under the guidance of the zamíndárs he then passed by difficult roads through the hills towards the Dakhin. Orders had been repeatedly sent to Khán-Jahán Bahádur, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to all the faujdárs, directing them to stop him wherever he might come, to take him prisoner alive if possible, if not, to kill him. Under these orders Khán-Jahán pursued the Prince with the intention of making him prisoner.

He came within fourteen or fifteen kos of him, but on approaching nearer he made only a feint of arresting him. The fact was reported to the Emperor by Mír Núru-llah, who was very unceremonious in these matters. A strong letter of censure was written upon the matter, and strict directions were sent to all the news-writers.

Prince Akbar then proceeded to Baglána, to the territory of Rája Debí Singh, the commandant and faujdár of Malír. Rája Debí sent out a force to take him prisoner; but when the force followed, the Prince escaped from Baglána. A few of his Rájpúts remained behind, and these were taken to the Rája. Whilst the Rája was making inquiries of these men, another party of his horsemen overtook one of the Prince's followers, who had upon his back a blood-stained jacket belonging to the Prince, but which he had thrown off in consequence of the heat.

They attacked and wounded this man, and carried him off to the Rája, under the impression that he was the Prince. The Rája did not believe it, and abused his men for their stupidity. Prince Akbar, after passing through the territories of the Firingís, found unquiet refuge for a while in the hills of Baglána. By means of a bribe of money, he induced the hill-men to guide him to Ráhírí, belonging to Sambhá.

This chieftain came forth to receive him, gave him a house of his own to dwell in, about three kos from the fort of Ráhírí, and fixed an allowance for his support.

Twenty-Fifth Year of The Reign, 1092 A.H. (1681 A.D.)

After the 'Íd-i fitr, Aurangzeb started for the Dakhin, to punish the infidels, and to pursue Prince Muhammad Akbar. On the 14th Zí-l ka'da he reached Burhánpúr, the Dáru-s súrúr (abode of joy). Khán-Jahán Bahádur, the Súbadár, and Amín Khán, the Díwán of the four súbas of the Dakhin, with the faujdárs and the officials and nobles there, waited upon him. Many great men of Bíjápúr, of the Kutb-Sháhí dynasty, and of the Mahrattas, also came to pay their respects.

The infidel inhabitants of the city and the country round made great opposition to the payment of the jizya. There was not a district where the people, with the help of the faujdárs and mukaddams, did not make disturbances and re*sistance. Mír 'Abdu-l Karím, an excellent and honest man, now received orders to collect the jizya in Burhánpúr. A suitable force of horse and foot was appointed to support him, and the kotwál was directed to punish every one who resisted payment.

A fire broke out in a house near the citadel and the chauk. There were several sacks of powder in the house, the roof was blown off, and many men were burnt. It came to Aurangzeb's knowledge that there were thirty sacks of gunpowder in a cellar under his sleeping apartment.

An investigation was made, and it appeared that at the very commencement of the reign, when Aurangzeb left Burhánpúr to proceed to Dehlí, the gunners left this powder there, and during all that time it had never been taken out. The Emperor severely censured the officials who were answerable for this neglect, and degraded some of them.

He told them that if this had happened in the reign of Jahángír, that King would have blown them all up with the powder. Aurangzeb's humanity and kindness was such that the severest punishment was reduction of dignity, and this even was soon restored through the intercession and kind offices of men high in office.

Aurangzeb passed three or four months very pleasantly at Burhánpúr; he then left for Aurangábád. Before he departed, Mír 'Abdu-l Karím, the Amín-i jizya, reported that the jizya of the city of Burhánpúr for the past year, amounting to 26,000 rupees, had been paid into the public treasury.

During the three months that he had been in office, he had settled the sum of one lac and 80,000 rupees as the amount payable by half the towns connected with Burhánpúr. He now hoped that he might be allowed to leave with His Majesty, and that the collection of the jizya might be deputed to some one else. He was applauded and promoted. He was allowed to accompany the Emperor, and his deputies were to collect the tax.

After Aurangzeb reached Aurangábád, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was sent to take the forts and punish the infidels of Rám-darra in the Kokan; and Prince Muhammad A'zam was directed to reduce the fort of Sálír, near the fort of Malír in Baglána, which had been held for some time by the Mahrattas. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam penetrated into the Kokan, and passing through its inmost recesses, passes and thick woods, he laid the country waste in all directions, and put many infidels to the sword.

Khwája Abú-l Makárim, afterwards Ján-nisár Khán, and others, greatly distinguished themselves in this campaign; but the grain and millet and vetches of that country were injurious to strangers, and the climate was very uncongenial to camels and horses. Men in great numbers and quadrupeds beyond compute perished. Horses were so scarce that there was not one left in the stable of the Prince which was fit to carry him.

Most men were obliged to walk, and no provisions arrived, for the enemy closed the roads on every side. Life became insupportable, and it was impossible for the Prince to remain there. On the facts being reported to the Emperor, he gave orders for the recall of the army.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#37 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 14:56

Twenty-Sixth Year of The Reign, 1093 A.H. (1682 A.D.)

The fort of Sálír, against which Prince Muhammad A'zam had been sent, is not one capable of investment. It is near the sea, and there are so many ravines near, that hundreds of thousands of horsemen could not invest that lofty fortress. Neknám Khán was commandant of Malír and faujdár of Baglána. When the Prince was ordered to conquer it, Neknám opened negociations with the commandant of Sálír, and by promises and presents, induced him to sur*render the fortress.

[Three officers in succession, Shahábu-d dín, Khán-Jahán, and Kásim Khán, fail to take the fortress of Rám Síj.]

Prince Akbar

When Prince Akbar went to Ráhírí, and became the guest of the accursed Sambhá, he was at first treated very kindly and respectfully, and provision was made for the necessary expenses of his followers. One day a kází in the presence of Muhammad Akbar, in a stupid flattering way, said to Sambhá, “May all the Mahárája's enemies be trodden under foot.”

The Prince heard this, and being angry, reprimanded the kází for his folly. He also told Sambhá that such vain words ought not to be spoken in his (the Prince's) presence, and that it was also unbecoming in Sambhá to listen to them. The report also came that an army had been sent under the command of I'tikád Khán to effect the conquest of Ráhírí. Prince Muhammad Akbar therefore thought it advisable to make his way as best he could to Persia.

He bought two small ships, furnished them with provisions for forty days, and was about to start. Sídí Yákút Khán Habshí, who scoured the seas in those parts, was at first desirous of stopping the progress of the Prince, but he at last connived at it.

The Prince, with Zíáu-d din Muhammad Shujá'í and forty or fifty persons, put his trust in God and embarked on his voyage. His ships were separated and endured great distress, the account of which would be too long for admission here.

Through stress of weather, the Prince's ship fell upon an island belonging to the Imám of Maskat. The people of the island made him prisoner and sent him to the Imám. This ruler is one of the great zamíndárs or rulers who are dependent on Persia.

He affected to treat the Prince with hospitality and respect; but in reality he kept him under surveillance, and wrote to Aurangzeb offering to surrender the Prince for the sum of two lacs of rupees and for a charter exempting goods carried in the ships of Maskat from the payment of duty in the port of Surat. If Aurangzeb would send one of his officers, the Imám promised to give up the Prince.

Upon receiving this letter, Aurangzeb wrote to the officials of the port of Surat, directing them to act in accord with the propo*sition of the Imám. So the people at Surat sent Hájí Fázil, an old sailor in the royal service, to take Prince Akbar in charge. When intelligence of Prince Akbar's arrival in Maskat, and the evil designs of the Imám, became known to the King of Persia, he issued peremptory commands to the Imám, directing him to send the Prince (his guest) to him without delay, or an army would be appointed to deliver him and punish the Imám.

So preforce the Imám delivered up the Prince to the Sháh's officers. When the Prince approached Isfahán, Sháh Sulaimán went forth to meet him. On the death of Sháh Sulaimán, his successor showed the Prince even greater hospitality and at*tention, so that the Prince asked for an army and money to assist him in Hindústán. Sháh Husain excused himself, and the Prince then asked permission to go to Garmsír in Khurásán. This was granted, and provision was made for his maintenance. He retired thither, and died there towards the close of the reign of Aurangzeb.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#38 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:00

Twenty-Seventh Year of The Reign, 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.)

The author of this work has not been able to obtain such satisfactory accounts of these two or three years (in do sih sál), as to be worthy of being committed to writing. But he has here recorded what he has heard from the mouths of trustworthy witnesses; also what he heard from his late brother, Muhammad Murád Khán, who was a servant of the Court, and on whose statements he places implicit trust; and lastly, what the author himself witnessed in his travels and at Haidarábád. He has compared and considered the information derived from these various sources, and has reduced it to writing. If there should appear to be any excess or deficiency, the pardon of the reader is solicited.

Siege of Rám-darra.

In the beginning of the twenty-seventh year Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam marched from Ahmadnagar to lay siege to the forts of Rám-darra, belonging to Sambhá, which were in a part of the country never before penetrated by an Imperial army.

The roll of his army numbered 20,000 horse. On the march through the narrow passes, there were many sharp fights with the enemy, in which numbers of the royal soldiers fell; but the enemy were put to flight. On reaching the village of Sámpgánw, the fort of that place was invested. The besiegers showed great bravery, and took the fort in two days.

They then entered the country of Rám-darra. It was in a very strong position, and the air of the place did not suit the invaders. The enemy swarmed around on every side, and cut off the supplies. On one side was the sea, and on two other sides were mountains full of poisonous trees and serpents.

The enemy cut down the grass, which was a cause of great distress to man and beast, and they had no food but cocoa-nuts, and the grain called kúdún, which acted like poison upon them. Great numbers of men and horses died. Grain was so scarce and dear that wheat flour sometimes could not be obtained for less than three or four rupees.

Those men who escaped death dragged on a half existence, and with crying and groaning felt as if every breath they drew was their last. There was not a noble who had a horse in his stable fit for use. When the wretched state of the royal army became known to Aurangzeb, he sent an order to the officers of the port of Surat, directing them to put as much grain as possible on board of ships, and send it to the Prince's succour by sea.

The enemy got intelligence of this, and as the ships had to pass by their newly-erected fortresses, they stopped them on their way, and took most of them. A few ships escaped the enemy, and reached their destination; but no amír got more than two or three palas of corn. The order at length came for the retreat of the army, and it fell back fighting all the way to Ahmadnagar, where Aurangzeb then was.

Kutbu-l Mulk.

It now became known to the Emperor that Abú-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, Sovereign of Haidarábád, had en*trusted the government of his kingdom to Mádaná and Ákaná, two infidels, who were bitter enemies to the Musulmáns, and brought great and increased troubles upon them.

The King himself was given up to luxury, drinking and debauchery. Aurangzeb having turned his attention to the conquest of Haidar-ábád, and the subjugation of Abú-l Hasan, he first sent Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh with his sons and with a detachment against certain adherents of Abú-l Hasan, who had taken possession of some districts dependent upon Zafar-nagar, on the pretence that they had formerly formed part of the country of Telingána. Their instructions were to chastise these men, and to recover the districts. After this, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam with were sent to effect the conquest of the country of Telingána.

Aurangzeb now sent Mirzá Muhammad, the superintendent of his ghusl-khána, to Abú-l Hasan Kutbu-l Mulk, with a message to this effect: “It has come to our hearing that you have two very fine diamonds of 150 surkhs in weight, with sundry other rarities.

We wish you to ascertain the value of these gems, and to send them to us for the balance of tribute due.” But he told his envoy confidentially that he did not send him to obtain the two diamonds, which he did not at all want, but rather to ascertain the truth of the evil reports which had reached him.

Upon the arrival of Mirzá Muhammad, he demanded the diamonds, according to his instructions. Abú-l Hasan swore that he had no such gems, and that if he had, he would have been happy to send them without any demand being made for them. Such stones as his predecessors possessed had been sent to the late Emperor.

Mirzá Muhammad returned, and Abú-l Hasan learnt that armies had been sent against him under the command of Khán-Jahán and Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. He then sent Ibráhím Khán, otherwise called Husainí, who had received the title of Khalílu-llah Khán, and was commander-in-chief, and one of the chief nobles of Haidarábád, with, and a force of thirty or forty thousand horse, to oppose the armies sent against him.

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#39 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:02

When the two armies approached each other, between the territories of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was desirous of avoiding actual war by all means in his power. He sent a message to Khalílu-llah Khán, offering peace, on the following terms. Abú-l Hasan must express regret for his offences, and ask forgiveness. He must remove Mádaná and Ákaná from the management of affairs, and place them in confinement.

The parganas of Síram, Rámgír, etc., which had been taken by force, upon unjust grounds, from the possession of servants of the Imperial throne, must be restored. The balance of tribute due must be forwarded without delay. The foolish amírs of the Dakhin, in their pride, sent improper answers, regardless of the Imperial anger. So prepara*tions for battle were made on both sides.

The limits of this brief history will not admit of a detailed account of all the actions fought by Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh; but a short account of one engagement is given. In this action Khán-Jahán had not more than ten or eleven thousand horse, and Khalílu-llah Khán had more than thirty thousand. Khán-Jahán's army was so outnumbered and overpowered that all chance of escape seemed difficult, and the enemy's forces came on every moment with greater strength.

One of the enemy's chiefs pressed forward, with a loud cry, to the elephant of Khán-Jahán, with the intention of hurling a javelin at him. Khán-Jahán encountered him, shouting out, “I am a nobleman,” and, allowing him no time to throw his javelin, Khán-Jahán drew his bow to his ear, and pierced his assailant with an arrow, so that he fell headlong from his horse.

The royal army was still very hard pressed, intelligence con*stantly came in from the front and rear that the enemy were in overwhelming force, and the only course left for the army of Khán-Jahán was to retreat. At this juncture the driver of an elephant belonging to Rája Rám Singh placed a heavy chain in its mouth, and made it charge upon the enemy's advanced force. Wherever the elephant charged, the noise of the chain and the blows of his trunk struck terror into the enemy. The horses of two or three officers took fright, and threw their riders.

Thus the army of the enemy was put to flight, and Khán-Jahán celebrated his victory, and pitched his camp on the field of battle. Many horses, elephants, and guns fell into his hands. He then sent an officer who wrested the fort of Síram from the hands of the enemy, and placed a garrison therein.

The enemy advanced also against Prince Mu'azzam, and for some days kept up a deceptive correspondence. Fighting began and went on for three days, with great loss to both sides. On the fourth day the action was continued with increased violence, and the enemy were at length compelled to retreat. The Prince, Khán-Jahán, and the other Imperial officers, did not deem it expedient to pursue them.

They determined to remain where they were, and sent a despatch of the victory to Aurangzeb. The Emperor had for some time felt a little dissatisfied with the Prince, and he was displeased with Khán-Jahán for the licence and debauchery which prevailed in his camp, and which he had repeatedly censured without effect. He was also annoyed with him for not having pursued and secured Prince Akbar when that Prince was near his territory. Whenever he wrote to him, he got a saucy answer. For these and other reasons Aurangzeb was quite offended with Khán-Jahán.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#40 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:05

Twenty-Eighth Year of The Reign, 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.)

The War with Kutbu-l Mulk of Haidarábád

The despatch of victory and the in*telligence of the retreat of the enemy reached Aurangzeb; but his satisfaction was turned into displeasure when he learnt that the enemy had not been pursued. He wrote an angry letter to the Prince Sháh 'Álam, and to Khán-Jahán, and was much dissatisfied.

The generals of Abú-l Hasan did not after this dare to venture upon an engagement, but from time to time roving parties of them annoyed the Imperial forces at night with rockets. They sometimes showed themselves in reconnoissances by day, and fell back upon their camp.

The Prince and Khán-Jahán were offended, and made no attack upon them, and re*mained for four or five months inactive without moving. This aggrieved Aurangzeb still more, and he wrote a strong letter of censure with his own hand to the Prince and Khán-Jahán. This letter greatly incensed the Prince.

The morning after the receipt of the letter, he held a council of war with Khán-Jahán, and the other nobles. Khán-Jahán was opposed to fighting, and some amírs agreed with him. Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán and two or three rájas advised active operations. Nothing was decided that day, and next day Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán in private [urged an attack upon the enemy].

Prince Sháh 'Álam wrote to Muhammad Ibráhím, the commander of the enemy's army, offering terms of peace on condition of the parganas of Síram, Kír (or Khír), etc., being restored to the Imperial officers. Muhammad Ibráhím con*sulted with his officers as to the answer to be given, and the answer given was that they had taken the parganas at the point of the sword and spear, and were ready to fight for them. [Fighting recommenced,] and the enemy were at length defeated and put to flight.

The Prince pursued them into their camp, and great consternation fell upon them.

One of the enemy's generals then sent two officers to the royal army to represent that the combatants on both sides were Musul-máns, and therefore the honour and safety of the women should be regarded. They asked for a truce of three or four hours to remove the women to a place of safety, and after that they would be ready to fight again. So the fighting and plundering was stayed. The enemy sent their women to a fort which was near, and at the end of three pahars the fighting recommenced on every side. The enemy kept up the fight till evening, but then they retreated.

The Prince sent a message to the enemy, to the effect that in battles numbers of Musulmáns on both sides are killed; it would therefore be better if two or three chiefs from both sides should meet and fight it out. This would be a real trial of strength, skill and courage, and it would be seen which side had the favour of God. Next day messengers brought the news that the enemy's horse had fled towards Haidarábád. The Prince marched in pursuit, and came near to Haidarábád.

Mádaná Pant and his friends had raised suspicions in the mind of Abú-l Hasan, that Muhammad Ibráhím had been the means of bringing the Prince thither. Abú-l Hasan was very angry, and was intent upon seizing Ibráhím, and putting him to death. Muhammad Ibráhím got intelligence of this, and went to offer his services to the Prince, who received him with great favour.

When intelligence of this desertion became known in Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan was greatly alarmed, and without consulting with any of his nobles, or even caring anything for his property or the honour of his own women and family, or of others, he fled with a few servants by night, with boxes full of such valuables as he could carry, to the fort of Golkonda.

When this fact became public, the stores of Abú-l Hasan were plundered, as also was the property of the merchants, worth four or five krors of rupees. The women of the soldiers, and of the inhabitants of the city, were subjected to dishonour, and great disorder and destruction prevailed.

Many thousand gentlemen being unable to take horse, and carry off their property, in the greatest distress took the hands of their children and wives, many of whom could not even seize a veil or sheet to cover them, and fled to the fortress.

Before Prince Sháh 'Álam got intelligence of what was passing, the ruffians and plunderers of the city began their work of pillage and devastation. Nobles, merchants, and poorer men, vied with each other as to who, by strength of arm, and by expenditure of money, should get their families and property into the fortress.

Before break of day, the Imperial forces attacked the city, and a frightful scene of plunder and destruction followed, for in every part and road and market there were lacs upon lacs of money, stuffs, carpets, horses, and elephants, belonging to Abú-l Hasan and his nobles.

Words cannot express how many women and children of Musulmáns and Hindús were made prisoners, or how many women of high and low degree were dishonoured. Carpets of great value, which were too heavy to carry, were cut to pieces with swords and daggers, and every bit was struggled for. Prince Sháh 'Álam appointed officers (sazáwal) to prevent the plunder, and they did their best to restrain it, but in vain.

The kotwál of the army received orders to go with the Imperial díwán, with an escort of four or five hun*dred horse, to take possession of what was left of the property of Abú-l Hasan.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#41 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:08

Some persons now came from Abú-l Hasan to the Prince, most humbly and earnestly begging forgiveness of the sins which he had and had not committed. The Prince thereon strictly enjoined his officers to repress the plundering, and to punish those who were setting places on fire.

The disorder was in some measure diminished; but the plunderers were not really stopped in their work. After a good deal of negociation, the Prince took pity upon Abú-l Hasan and the inhabitants of the place. He accepted his proposals, upon certain conditions.

A tribute of one kror and twenty lacs of rupees was to be paid, in addition to the usual annual tribute. Mádaná and Ákaná, the two brothers, and the chief causes of the war, were to be imprisoned and deprived of all authority. The fort of Síram and the pargana of Khír, and other districts which had been conquered, were to remain in the hands of the Imperialists, and Abú-l Hasan was to ask forgiveness of his offences from Aurangzeb.

While the negotiations were pending, some women of great influence in the harem, without the knowledge of Abú-l Hasan, laid a plot for the murder of Mádaná and Ákaná. Whilst the two doomed wretches were proceeding from the darbár to their own houses, a party of slaves attacked them and killed them.

Rustam Rás also, who had reached the house, was killed. Many bráhmans lost their lives and property on that day. The heads of the two brothers were cut off, and were sent to Prince Sháh 'Álam by the hands of a discreet person.

When the Prince's despatch reached Aurangzeb, he in public approved of the terms of peace, and sent an officer to receive the tribute. Privately, however, he censured the Prince and Khán-Jahán, and summoned the latter to his presence.

War with Bíjápúr

Aurangzeb determined that he would march in person to effect the conquest of Bíjápúr, and he started with that intention on the 4th Sha'bán. Prince A'zam, with some experienced nobles and a suitable force, was sent to reduce Bíjápúr.

On approaching the place, he found that the forces of the Dakhin, under the command of 'Abdu-r Rúf and Sharza Khán, hovered round him in all directions. In that year calamity had fallen on the crops, and grain was very dear.

The Dakhiní forces occupied the country all around, and prevented all supplies of corn from reaching Bíjápúr, so that grain became very scarce and dear in the (Imperial) army, and it was difficult to get a loaf. At length, after many severe actions, the forces of the enemy were driven back, and convoys of provisions were brought safely into the camp of Prince Muhammad A'zam, and he was relieved from the difficulties which had beset him. Great favours and honours were bestowed on Gházíu-d dín Khán for the service he had rendered in bringing in the convoy.

The protracted duration of the siege of Bíjápúr, and the information he had received of the disaffection of the allies who accompanied Prince Muhammad A'zam, made Aurangzeb determine to proceed thither in person. At the beginning of Sha'bán, in the twenty-eighth year of the reign, he set out from Sholápúr, and on the 21st of the month he arrived before the fortress, to the great dismay of the besieged.

He appointed several of his best officers to assist the Prince in carrying on the siege, and addressed to them some soul-stirring words. They set heartily to work constructing lines of approach, driving mines and filling up the ditch.

Some mischief-making people reported to Aurangzeb that on a day when an attack was made Sháh Kulí was inside the fortress along with Sikandar; also that a person named Saiyid 'Álam used to come out of the city by night, and have interviews in secret with the Prince.

This was confirmed by the report of Rúhu-llah Khán kotwál. Orders were accordingly given for the arrest of Saiyid 'Álam when he came out to see Prince Sháh 'Álam, and also for the apprehension of Sháh Kulí. Sháh Kulí was at length seized and brought before Aurangzeb, who examined him and endeavoured to extract from him the truth about his visits to the city.

Nothing but denial was obtained from the prisoner, so the order was given for binding him and submitting him to the torture. After receiving a few blows, his spirit gave way; he divulged the whole secret, and named several others who had been concerned with him. Aurangzeb sent for Prince Sháh 'Álam, and in a private inter*view reproached him with these secret negociations.

The Prince denied them, and said that Sháh Kulí was no servant of his. Orders were given for the confinement of Saiyid 'Abdu-llah Khán, and for the expulsion of several other persons from the army. Aurangzeb's feelings had been estranged from Prince Sháh 'Álam since the transactions at Haidarábád, and he was now still more offended with him. He made no outward change in the Prince's rank and allowances, or in the honours due to him as heir apparent, but his estrangement daily increased.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#42 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:11

Twenty-Ninth And Thirtieth Years of The Reign, 1096 AND 1097 A.H. (1685-6 A.D.)

Conquest of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád

By the exertions of Gházíu-d dín Khán Fíroz Jang, and other renowned warriors, and through want of supplies, the garrison of Bíjápúr was in great distress, and many men and horses had perished. Sharza Khán and other nobles asked for terms on behalf of Sikandar, and at the beginning of the thirtieth year of the reign, in Zí-l ka'da, 1097 (October, 1686), the keys of the fortress were surrendered to Aurangzeb. The conquest was celebrated with great display, and Sikandar was placed in confinement in the fort of Daulat-ábád, a suitable provision being made for his support.

At the end of Muharram Aurangzeb notified his intention of going to pay a visit to the tomb of Hazrat Banda-nawáz Saiyid Muhammad Gísú, and marched towards Kulbarga. He sent a kind farmán to Abú-l Hasan, and another to Sa'ádat Khán, his own hájib at Haidarábád, asking for payment of the tribute.

He also wrote privately to Sa'ádat Khán, to the effect that it was his intention shortly to march against Haidarábád and conquer it; but Sa'ádat Khán was meanwhile to do his utmost to obtain money from Abú-l Hasan.

Sa'ádat Khán flattered Abú-l Hasan with hopes of favours from Aurangzeb, and exerted himself to obtain payment of the tribute. Abú-l Hasan, in the hope of finding safety, told Sa'ádat Khán that he was unable to find the money; but he offered instead the jewels and valuables belonging to his wives and others. He therefore asked him to send his young eunuch to select and take away the jewels and other things. Sa'ádat Khán refused to send the eunuch, and negotiations went on for some days, until the intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb was at Kulbarga.

Abú-l Hasan, in the extremes of fear and hope, sent for Sa'ádat Khán, and delivered into his charge several trays of jewels and valuables, without even settling the value of them. These were sealed up, and it was arranged that Sa'ádat Khán should carry them to his house.

In the course of the next two or three days Abú-l Hasan would do his best to obtain the tribute money, and would send it to the house of Sa'ádat Khán. The value of the jewels was then to be settled, and the whole was to be sent to Aurangzeb, with a letter from Sa'ádat Khán commending Abú-l Hasan's willingness and obedience, and praying for merciful consideration. Abú-l Hasan sent some loads of fruit for Aurangzeb, and Sa'ádat Khán also sent some baskets with them.

Two or three days later intelligence was brought that Aurangzeb had left Kulbarga and had arrived at Golkonda. Everybody now said that his object was to conquer Gol-konda. Abú-l Hasan sent to Sa'ádat Khán, saying that he had no longer hope of any consideration from Aurangzeb, and demanded back the jewels which he had placed in his charge.

Sa'ádat Khán replied that he had sent the jewels to Aurangzeb in the baskets which accompanied Abú-l Hasan's present of fruit. A great scene followed. Abú-l Hasan placed a guard over Sa'ádat Khán's house. The latter said that he had only obeyed the orders, and acted in accordance with his wishes in sending the jewels. “For this,” said he, “you are now about to kill me.

My master has long desired some pretext for destroying you, he cannot have a better one than the murder of his hájib. If I am spared, I can do something to obtain forgiveness for you, and I will exert myself to the utmost.” In some matters Sa'ádat Khán had befriended Abú-l Hasan against the designs of his own master. So Abú-l Hasan, thinking of what might follow, refrained from injuring him, and made him presents.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#43 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:14

When Aurangzeb drew near to Haidarábád, Abú-l Hasan felt that the time of his fall was near; but he sent a letter to Aurangzeb, renewing his protestations of obedience, and reiterating his claims to forgiveness. Aurangzeb wrote a reply, the gist of which was as follows:

“The evil deeds of this wicked man pass beyond the bounds of writing; but by mentioning one out of a hundred, and a little out of much, some conception of them may be formed. First, placing the reins of authority and government in the hands of vile tyrannical infidels; oppressing and afflicting the saiyids, shaikhs, and other holy men; openly giving himself up to excessive debauchery and depravity; indulging in drunkenness and wickedness night and day; making no distinction between infidelity and Islám, tyranny and justice, depravity and devotion; waging obstinate war in defence of infidels; want of obedience to the Divine commands and prohibitions, especially to that command which forbids assistance to an enemy's country, the disregarding of which had cast a censure upon the Holy Book in the sight both of God and man.

Letters full of friendly advice and warning upon these points had been repeatedly written, and had been sent by the hands of discreet men. No attention had been paid to them; moreover it had lately become known that a lac of pagodas had been sent to the wicked Sambhá. That in this insolence and intoxication and worthlessness, no regard had been paid to the infamy of his deeds, and no hope shown of deliverance in this world or in the next.”

Abú-l Hasan, seeing that there was no longer any hope for him, sent forth his forces, under the command of his best officers, to meet Aurangzeb, urging them to fight valiantly, and to endeavour to make Aurangzeb prisoner. On the 24th Rabí'u-l awwal the royal army took ground at gun-shot distance from Golkonda, and the work of the siege began.

Abú-l Hasan had forty or fifty thousand horse outside the walls, with whom the royal army had frequent encounters, and a sharp fire of guns and rockets was kept up from the fortifications. Some distinguished officers of the royal army and many men were lost on both sides. After the arrival of Fíroz Jang, the whole management of the siege was placed in his hands.

Prince Sháh 'Álam had fallen under the displeasure of his father at the siege of Bíjápúr; still, at the siege of Golkonda, the lines on the right side were under his command. But the days of his fortune and prosperity had been overshadowed by some years of trouble and misconduct.

He now secretly received messages and presents from Abú-l Hasan, to secure his services and the services of his associates, in obtaining forgiveness of past offences. The Prince's objects were that peace and war should be dependent upon his approval as heir apparent, and that as far as possible he should bind Abú-l Hasan to his interests.

He never reflected that this course must eventually end in his fall and disgrace. Some meddling mischief-making people got infor*mation of what was going on, and informed Aurangzeb. The manager of the Prince's equipages now reported to him that the carriages belonging to his zanána were far away from his tents, and were open to attacks from the garrison. He accord*ingly ordered that they should be brought nearer to his tent.

Some of Prince Muhammad A'zam's companions informed Aurangzeb that Sháh 'Álam was about to make his way into the city. On hearing this, Aurangzeb was greatly enraged. He called Hayát Khán, and another of Sháh 'Álam's confidential servants, to his presence, and questioned them in private as to the Prince's intention. They replied that the Prince's object was to obtain, by his influence, a pardon for Abú-l Hasan, and, failing in that, to do his best for the reduction of the fortress.

Of evil intentions he had none. But for all their pleas and protestations they could not remove the suspicions which Aurangzeb had of his son. Orders were given for a force to be sent to bring the Prince before him. Hayát Khán said there was no necessity for that. If the Emperor sent an officer to call the Prince, he would come at once, for he had no thought but of obedience.

So on the 18th Rabí'u-s sání, in the twenty-ninth year of the reign, an officer was sent to bring the Prince, with Muhammad 'Azím, his second son, to the royal presence. The Prince obeyed immediately, and waited on his august father.

The Emperor ordered that all the establishments of the Prince should be seized, and his mansabs and jágírs confis*cated. [Harsh treatment of Núru-l Nissa, the Prince's wife, and of her eunuchs.] But here we will refrain from entering upon the unhappy details of the Prince's imprisonment, and his liberation, and will proceed with the account of the conquest of Golkonda.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#44 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:17

Day by day, and week by week, the approaches were pushed forward under the direction of Gházíu-d dín Fíroz Jang, but they were encountered with great daring by the besieged under the command of Shaikh Nizám, Mustafá Khán Lárí, otherwise called 'Abdu-r Razzák, and others. The fighting was desperate, and many were killed on both sides. After one sharp encounter, in which a sally of the garrison was driven back with loss, Shaikh Minháj, Shaikh Nizám, and others, deserted Abú-l Hasan, and came over to the besiegers, when Aurangzeb granted to them suitable mansabs and titles.

Muhammad Ibráhím, who was the first to quit the way of error, and to enter upon the royal road of rectitude, received a mansab of 7000 and 6000 horse, with the title of Mahábat Khán. He exerted himself above all others in endeavouring to reduce the fortress. Shaikh Nizám received a mansab of 6000 and 5000 horse, with the title of Takarrub Khán. Of all the nobles of Abú-l Hasan, the one who never forsook him until the fall of the place, and who throughout exerted himself in an inconceivable manner, was Mustafá Khán Lárí, or, as he was also called, 'Abdu-r Razzák.

The siege was protracted for a long time, and from the immense stores of ammunition in the fortress, an unintermitting discharge was kept up night and day from the gates, and towers, and walls, of cannon-balls, bullets, rockets and other fiery missiles. The smoke arising from the constant firing removed the distinction of day and night, and no day passed without the besiegers suffering a loss in killed and wounded.

The assailants exerted themselves vigorously, especially, and so in the course of a month and some days the lines were carried up to the very edge of the ditch, and orders were issued for filling it up. It is said that Aurangzeb himself, after observing the rite of purification, sewed the seams of the first cotton bag to be filled with earth and thrown into the moat. High mounds were raised, and heavy guns were placed upon them and pointed against the fortress.

Their heavy five greatly harassed the defenders. The scarcity and dearness of grain and fodder (within the city) was extreme, so that many men of wealth were disheartened; who then can describe the position of the poor and needy? Throughout the Dakhin in the early part of this year there was a scarcity of rain when the jowár and bájrá came into ear, so they dried up and perished. These productions of the autumn harvest are the main support of the people of the Dakhin. Rice is the principal food of the people of Haidarábád, and the cultivation of this had been stopped by war and by scarcity of rain.

The Dakhinís and the forces of the hell-dog Sambhá had come to the assistance of Haidarábád, and hovering round the Imperial forces, they cut off the supplies of grain. Pestilence (wabá) broke out, and carried off many men. Thus great numbers of men were lost. Others, unable to bear the pangs of hunger and wretchedness, went over to Abú-l Hasan, and some treacherously rendered aid to the besieged.

When the siege had been carried on for some time, Aurangzeb recalled Prince Muhammad A'zam, whom, in consequence of the unfaithfulness of Prince Sháh 'Álam, he had sent to settle the country round Ujjain and Akbarábád, and who had got as far as Burhánpúr. He also summoned Rúhu-lláh Khán, an experienced and highly-trusted nobleman, from Bíjápúr.

Soon after the Prince's arrival, the dearness of grain passed all bounds. In the middle of Rajab, when the siege had lasted three months, it was resolved to make an attempt to take the place by surprise at night, by means of scaling-ladders and ropes. A few brave men succeeded in ascending the ramparts, but the barking of a dog gave the alarm, and the defenders rushed to the walls and soon despatched those who had gained the top.

They also threw down the ladders, and so made an end of those who were mounting. Others opened fire. When the leaders of the storming party gained the summit of the ramparts, one of Aurangzeb's servants ran off to report their success, without waiting to see the result of the enterprise. Aurangzeb, on receiving his report, ordered the drums of victory to be beaten, and ordered out his royal equipage and state dress. Next day spies reported that Abú-l Hasan gave the dog a gold collar, a plated chain, etc., and directed that the dog should be kept chained near to himself.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Unspecified

2,178

Brother

5,852

#45 [Permalink] Posted on 5th November 2014 15:18

In the middle of Sha'bán a heavy rain fell for three days, which was the cause of very great distress to the besiegers, and destroyed many of their works. he enemy also took courage, and made a sally in great force, in which they did great damage, and killed many men and took some prisoners. Abú-l Hasan treated his prisoners with hospitality and honour. He took Sarbaráh Khán to his granaries and magazines and showed him his stores of corn and heaps of treasure.

He then wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, reciting and offering to present a kror of rupees, and also to pay a kror of rupees for each time that Aurangzeb had besieged the place; so that any further slaughter of Musulmáns might be prevented. If his proposals were not accepted, he offered to supply five or six hundred thousand mans of grain for the troops.

When these proposals were reported to Aurangzeb, he said, “If Abú-l Hasan does not repudiate my authority, he must come to me with clasped hands, or he must be brought bound before me. I will then consider what consideration I can show him.” He then issued orders to the officials of Birár for the preparation of 50,000 bags of cotton, and for other materials for carrying on the siege and filling up the moat.

On the 19th Sha'bán it was reported that a triple mine had been driven under the bastions of the fortress, and charged with gunpowder. Orders were then given that a force should be collected in the lines as if about to make an attack upon the undermined work, so that the enemy might observe this, and assemble his men there.

The mines were then to be fired. 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí and others of the besieged, having observed these proceedings, commenced countermining. They pushed their work with such skill and activity, that they drew the powder and match from one mine, and poured water into the other two.

The Imperial troops collected for the assault, and raised their cries; and the gunners watched the ramparts for the proper moment for firing the mine. When the signal was given, one mine exploded, but as part of the powder had been extracted, and of the remaining part that which lay nearest to the fortress was wet, the blowing up of the bastion did more injury to the besiegers than the besieged.

The garrison then sallied forth, and occupied the trenches, killing all whom they found alive in them. After a severe struggle, in which many men fell on both sides, the trenches were recovered. The second mine was exploded, and thousands of stones, great and small, were hurled into the air; but, as in the former case, they fell upon the heads of the besiegers, and great numbers were killed and wounded.

contd..

report post quote code quick quote reply

No post ratings

Mughal Emperor Sultan Aurangzeb Alamgir : Bad Ruler or Bad History?

Font Size

Font Weight