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Mughal Emperor Sultan Aurangzeb Alamgir : Bad Ruler or Bad History?

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#16 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 17:16
continued by saad:

Movements of Aurangzeb.

About this time Mír Jumla arrived, who had been sent by Sháh Jahán before his illness to support Aurangzeb, and he acted as a trusted friend and faithful counsellor. But Aurangzeb deemed it expedient, in order to avoid reproach, to leave Mír Jumla as a prisoner at Daulatábád, while he himself marched against his enemies.

As a matter of prudence and expediency, Aurangzeb wrote repeatedly and in the most affectionate terms to Muhammand Murád Bakhsh, and offered him his congratulations.

In his letters he said, “I have not the slightest liking for or wish to take any part in the government of this deceitful and unstable world, my only desire is that I may make the pilgrimage to the temple of God. But whatever course you have resolved upon in opposition to the good-for-nothing and unjust conduct of our disgraceful brother (birádar-i be-shukoh), you may consider me your sincere friend and ally.

Our revered father is still alive, and I think that we two brothers should devote ourselves to his service, and to the punishment of the wilfulness of that haughty one and the presumption and conceit of that apostate.


If it be possible, and we are permitted to see our father again, after exerting ourselves to put down that strife and insurrection, we will entreat the King to forgive the faults of our brother, who has involuntarily been impelled to such a course of action.

After setting the government in order, and punishing the enemies of the State, our brother must be reclaimed, and he must go to pay a visit to the holy temple. It is important that you should allow of no delay in your movements, but should march at once to chastise that presumptuous infidel Jaswant Singh. You must consider me as having arrived on your side of the Nerbadda, and must look upon my numerous army and powerful artillery as the means of securing your victory. You must know that I make the Word of God my bail for this treaty and compact, and you must by all means banish suspicion from your mind.”

Aurangzeb arrived in Burhánpúr on the 25th Jumáda-l awwal, (1068 A.H., 19th February, 1658 A.D.), and remained there a month attending to necessary arrangements, and obtaining accurate intelligence. On the 25th Jumáda-l ákhir he set out on his march to the capital.

Jaswant Singh knew nothing of the approach of the great army of the two brothers until they came within seven kos of Ujjain, when Rája Sheoráj, commandant of Mándú, obtained information of their having crossed at the ford of Akbarpúr, and wrote the particulars to the Mahárája. Kásim Khán, on hearing that Prince Murád Bakhsh had left Ahmadábád, went forth in haste to welcome him.

But when he learnt that the Prince had gone eighteen kos out of the way to meet Aurangzeb, he turned back disappointed. Dárá Shukoh's men, who were in the fortress of Dhár, when they beheld the irresistible forces of the two brothers, took to flight and joined the Mahárája.

Rája Jaswant Singh, with Kásim Khán, on the approach of Prince Aurangzeb, advanced a march to meet him, and pitched his camp at the distance of one kos and a half. Aurangzeb then sent a Bráhman called Kab, who had a great reputation as a Hindí poet and master of language, to the Rája with this message:

“My desire is to visit my father. I have no desire for war. It is therefore desirable that you should either accompany me, or keep away from my route, so that no conflict may arise, or blood be shed.” The Rája did not acquiesce in this proposition, and sent an impertinent answer.

Next day both sides prepared for battle. On the 22nd Rajab, 1068 A.H. (20th April, 1658 A.D.), the battle was joined. Every minute the dark ranks of the infidel Rájpúts were dispersed by the prowess of the followers of Islám. Dismay and great fear fell upon the heart of Jaswant, their leader, and he, far from acting like one of the renowned class of rájas, turned his back upon the battle, and was content to bring upon himself everlasting infamy.

Kásim Khán also, with other Imperial officers and the forces of Dárá Shukoh, took to flight. Shouts of victory arose from the men of Aurangzeb, and all the artillery, elephants, treasure, camels, baggage, animals, and equipments of the enemy, after being rifled and plundered, came into the possession of Aurangzeb. On the 27th Rajab the Prince marched from the borders of Ujjain, and on the 28th pitched his camp in the territories of Gwálior, and on the 1st of Ramazán crossed the Chambal.

Condition of the Emperor Sháh Jahán.

The hot climate of Ágra did not agree with the Emperor, and as he had only slightly improved in health, he set off for Dehlí. Dárá Shukoh from the first disapproved of this removal, and spoke against it. Now when he had heard of the defeat of Rája Jaswant Singh, he was bewildered, and so worried his father with complaints and importunities, that he prevailed upon him to return.

With the greatest urgency he made preparations for the coming conflict, and began his march with all the great nobles of his father's suite, with the old and newly raised followers of his own amounting to about 60,000 men, and with a strong train of artillery. It is said that the Emperor repeatedly forbad the march of Dárá Shukoh, and said that nothing would come of it but further strife and contention between the brothers.

He conceived the idea of setting out himself to expostulate with the two brothers, and bring about a peace, and gave orders that preparations should be made for his journey. But Dárá Shukoh was averse to this, and being supported in his representations by Khán-Jahán Sháyista Khán, he diverted his father from his purpose.


It is also recorded that before the news arrived of Rája Jaswant's defeat, and before the two armies of the Dakhin and Ahmadábád had united, the Emperor desired to go towards them, and frequently consulted Khán-Jahán about it. Khán-Jahán was maternal uncle of Aurangzeb, and was well disposed towards him.

He did not approve of the Emperor's design, but spoke of the excellent character and intelligence of Aurangzeb out of the hearty kindness he felt for him. When the intelligence arrived of the defeat of Rája Jaswant Singh, the Emperor was very angry with Khán-Jahán for the part he had taken. He struck him on the breast with his staff, and refused to see him for some two or three days.

But his old feeling of kindness revived. He again consulted him about going forth to meet his sons; but the Khán gave the same advice as before, so that, notwithstanding the preparations, the intended journey ended in nothing.
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#17 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 17:26
Continued by saad:

Defeat of Dárá Shukoh by Aurangzeb.

On the 16th of Sha'bán, (1068 A.H., 10th May, 1658 A.D.), Dárá Shukoh sent Khalílu-llah Khán, and with some of the Imperial and his own forces, as an advanced force to Dholpúr, to make a stand there, and secure the fords of the Chambal. He himself remained outside the city (of Ágra) waiting for the arrival of Sulaimán Shukoh, who was expected to return from his operations against Shujá'.

But as Sulaimán did not arrive, he was obliged to start on his march to meet and en*gage his two brothers. On the 6th Ramazán, near Samúgarh, the two armies encamped about half a kos distant from each other. The forces which had been sent to guard the fords had effected nothing at all.

Next day Dárá Shukoh busied himself in distributing his forces, putting his guns in position, and arranging his train of elephants. He advanced a little and took up a position in a wide plain, presenting a front nearly two kos in width. The day was so hot that many strong men died from the heat of their armour and want of water. Aurangzeb also rode forth, but as he saw no advantage in being precipitate and beginning the fight, he took his stand about a cannon-shot distance, and waited for his adversary to commence the attack.

But, as he made no sign beyond a parade of his forces, after evening prayer, Aurangzeb encamped in the same position, but gave orders for a strict watch being kept until morning.


Next morning Aurangzeb distributed his forces (in the following manner). Muhammad Murád Bakhsh, with his famous sardárs, took his place with the left wing. Having made his arrangements, he kept with him a party of bold and trusty men, of all tribes, and placing Prince Muhammad A'zam behind, in the howda, he went forth to battle.

The action began with discharges of rockets and guns, and thousands of arrows flew from both sides. Sipihr Shukoh, the leader of Dárá's advanced force, in concert with Rustam Khán Dakhiní, with ten or twelve thousand horse, made an attack upon Aurangzeb's guns. Driving back all before them, they pressed forward to Prince Muhammad Sultán, who was with Aurangzeb's advance, and great confusion arose in this part of the army.

Just at this juncture, by luck, a ball from the enemy's own guns struck the elephant of the brave Rustam Khán, and stretched the animal dead upon the ground. This accident intimidated Rustam Khán, and he withdrew from his attack upon the advanced force, and fell upon the right wing under Bahádur Khán Koka. This commanding officer made a vigorous resistance; but forces were continually brought to support Rustam Khán, and the battle grew warm.

Bahádur Khán at length received a wound which compelled him to retire, and many were killed and wounded on both sides. Aurangzeb's forces wavered, and seemed about to give way, when Islám Khán and others brought reinforcements to Bahádur.

At the same time Shaikh Mír and others, with the altamsh, came up to support the right wing, and to oppose Rustam Khán and the forces under Sipihr Shukoh. A desperate contest was maintained, but at length Rustam Khán was defeated, and Sipihr Shukoh also was hurled back.

Dárá Shukoh, being informed of the repulse of Sipihr Shukoh and Rustam Khán, led the centre of his army, composed of not less than 20,000 horse, against the victorious wing. He advanced with great bravery and firmness from behind his own guns against the guns and the advanced force which had won the victory. He was received with such heavy discharges of rockets, guns and muskets, and with such fierce charges from his brave opponents, that he was compelled to retire.


Dárá next made an attack upon Prince Murád Bakhsh, and led a force like the waves of the sea against that lion of the field of battle. The conflict was raging when Khalílu-llah Khán, the leader of the enemy's vanguard, led three or four thousand Uzbek archers against the elephant of Murád Bakhsh. The arrows rained down from both sides, and confusion arose in the ranks of Murád Bakhsh, so that many were overpowered with fear and fell back.

The elephant of Murád Bakhsh was about to turn away covered with wounds from arrows, spears, and battle-axes, but his brave rider ordered a chain to be cast round his legs. At this moment Rája Rám Singh, a man highly renowned among the Rájpúts for his bravery, wound a string of costly pearls round his head, and with his men clothed in yellow, as bent upon some desperate action, charged upon the elephant of Murád Bakhsh, and crying out defiantly, “What, do you contest the throne with Dárá Shukoh?” hurled his javelin against Murád Bakhsh.

Then he cried out fiercely to the elephant-driver, “Make the elephant kneel down!” Murád Bakhsh having warded off his assault, shot him in the forehead with an arrow and killed him. The Rájpúts who followed that daring fellow mostly fell dead around the feet of the Prince's elephant, and made the ground as yellow as a field of saffron.

It is related in the 'Álamgír-náma that at this point of the battle Aurangzeb came to the support of his brother, and helped to repulse the enemy. But the author of this work has heard from his father (who was present in the battle in the suite of the Prince, and remained with him to the end of the engagement, although he was severely wounded), and from other trustworthy informants, that the Prince, after repeatedly making inquiries and learning of the progress of the enemy, was desirous of going to the support of his brother.

But Shaikh Mír dissuaded him, and advised him to remain patient where he was. Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely, and deeds of valour and devotion were displayed on all sides.

The fierce Rájpúts, by their energy and desperate fighting, made their way to the centre (which was under the command of Aurangzeb himself). One of them, Rája Rúp Singh Ráthor, sprang from his horse, and, with the greatest daring, having washed his hands of life, cut his way through the ranks of his enemies sword in hand, cast himself under the elephant on which the Prince was riding, and began to cut the girths which secured the howda. The Prince became aware of this daring attempt, and in admiration of the man's bravery, desired his followers to take the rash and fearless fellow alive, but he was cut to pieces.

While this was going on, Rustam Khán again advanced against his brave opponents, and the fight grew hotter. Rustam, who was the mainstay of Dárá's army, Rája Sattar Sál, and were killed in this conflict. Dárá, seeing so many of his noble and heroic followers killed and wounded, was much affected. He became distracted and irresolute, and knew not what to do.

Just at this time a rocket struck the howda of his elephant. This alarmed and discouraged him so much that he dismounted in haste from his elephant, without even waiting to put on his slippers, and he then without arms mounted a horse.

The sight of this ill-timed alarm, and of the empty howda, after he had changed his elephant for a horse, disheartened the soldiers. The men lost heart in sympathy with their leader, and began to think of flight.
Just at this time, as one of his attendants was girding him with a quiver, a cannonball carried off the man's right hand and he fell dead.

The sight of this struck terror into the hearts of those around him; some of them dispersed, and others fled from the fatal field. Dárá, beholding the dispersion of his followers, and the repulse of his army, prizing life more than the hope of a crown, turned away and fled.

Sipihr Shukoh also, at this time, joined his father with some of his followers, and they all fled in despair towards Ágra. A great victory was thus gained. Shouts of exultation followed, and the young princes offered their congratulations.

Aurangzeb descended from his elephant to return thanks for this signal victory, surpassing all expectation, and, after performing his devotions, he proceeded to the tent of Dárá Shukoh. Everything had been ransacked except this tent and the artillery, so he took possession of the tent, which thus received a new honour. He bestowed presents and praises upon the princes and his devoted nobles, delighting them with his commendation and eulogy.
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#18 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 17:34
Continued by saad:

Prince Murád Bakhsh had received many arrow wounds in his face and body. Aurangzeb first applied to them the salve of praise and compliment, and then had them dressed by skilful surgeons. To the internal wounds of that weak-minded Prince he applied the balm of thousands of praises and congratulations upon (his approaching) sovereignty.

Then he wiped away the tears and blood from his brother's cheek with the sleeve of condolence. It is said that the howda in which Murád Bakhsh rode was stuck as thick with arrows as a porcupine with quills, so that the ground of it was not visible. This howda was kept in the store-house in the fort of the capital as a curiosity, and as a memorial of the bravery of that descendant of the house of Tímúr, and there it remained till the time of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar.

Dárá Shukoh, with two thousand horse, many of whom were wounded, and without baggage, arrived at Ágra in the evening without torches. He proceeded to his own house, and shame and remorse for his ruined fortune would not allow him to visit his father. The Emperor sent for him, professing a desire to talk and take counsel with him, but he excused himself.

In the same night, after the third watch, he went out of the city towards Dehlí, intending to proceed to Láhore. He took with him Sipihr Shukoh, his wife and daughter and several attendants. He also carried off on elephants, camels and mules, his jewels, gold, silver, necessaries, and whatsoever he could. In the third day's march he was joined by nearly 5000 horse, and some nobles and equipments, which were sent after him by his father.

After resting a while from his victory, Aurangzeb addressed a letter to the Emperor [recounting what had passed], and excusing himself by referring all to the will of God. Soon afterwards, Muhammad Amín Khán, and Khán-Jahán, son of Ásaf Khán, with many other nobles, who were the props of the State, came and proffered their services to Aurangzeb, and he honoured them with gifts of robes and jewels, horses and elephants.

On the 10th Ramazán Aurangzeb marched from Samúgarh for Ágra, and encamped outside the city. There he received from his father a consolatory letter written in his own hand. Next day Kudsiya Pádsháh Begam, by command of her father, came out to her brother, and spake to him some words of kindness and reproach by way of advice and as a proof of affection.

The answer she received was contrary to what she had wished, and she returned. The Emperor then wrote another admonitory letter, and with a sword which bore upon it the auspicious name “Álamgír” (world-conqueror), he sent it with kind messages by one of his personal attendants to Aurangzeb. The word “Álamgír” immediately attracted notice.

It was deemed a good omen, and called forth congratulations. Aurangzeb then sent Prince Muhammad Sultán to restore order in the city, to rescue it from the violence and oppression of the army and the mob, and to give peace to the people.

To Khán-Jahán, son of Ásaf Khán, he gave the title of Amíru-l umará, and many of the other nobles who had come to wait upon him were rewarded with increase of rank and presents of money and jewels.


Confinement of Sháh Jahán.

The authors of the three 'Álamgír-námas have each described the seclusion of the Emperor Sháh Jahán by the will of Aurangzeb, but 'Ákil Khán Kháfí, in his Wáki'át-i 'Álamgírí has entered fully and particularly into matters, and has described the investment of the fort (of Ágra), the confine*ment of Sháh Jahán, the closing up of the waters (band-namú-dan-i áb), and the somewhat bitter correspondence which passed.

From this it appears that on the 17th Ramazán, 1068 (8th June, 1658), Aurangzeb directed Prince Muhammad Sultán to go into the fort of Ágra, and to place some of his trusty followers in charge of the gates. Afterwards he was directed to wait upon his grandfather, to deliver to him some agreeable and disagreeable messages respecting his retirement, and to cut off from him all means of intercourse with the outside.

Accordingly Prince Muhammad Sultán went in and acted according to his instructions. He took from the Emperor all power and choice in matters of rule and government, and placed him in seclusion.

Muhammad Ja'far Khán was sent to secure Mewát, which formed part of the jágír of Dárá Shukoh. Twenty-six lacs of rupees, with some other requirements of royalty, were presented to Murád Bakhsh. On the 22nd Ramazán Aurangzeb made his entry into Ágra, and took up his abode in the house of Dárá Shukoh.

Flight of Dárá Shukoh.

When Dárá Shukoh reached the vicinity of Dehlí, the close pursuit of Aurangzeb's forces, and the appre*hension of being shut up in the city, determined him to remain outside. There he employed himself in gathering money and supplies. Whatever he found in the royal stores, or in the houses of the amírs, he laid hands upon.

He remained some days awaiting the arrival of Sulaimán Shukoh, who, after his defeat of Shujá', was wandering about in Bihár and Patna in a state of perplexity—for the news of the success of Aurangzeb frightened him from going to join his father.

Dárá, perceiving that if he remained longer he would fall a prisoner into the harsh hands of his brother, marched off towards the Panjáb with the new army which had gathered round him, numbering about 10,000 horse.

Every day he wrote letters to Sulaimán Shukoh, describing his wretched condition and his approach*ing arrival at Sirhind and Láhore. He also wrote conciliatory letters to the faujdárs and governors of the Panjáb, in which he mingled promises and threats. He repeatedly wrote to his father, lamenting his inability to wait upon him, through his adverse fortune and the unhappy dissension between the two brothers and their respective adherents.

Aurangzeb also frequently resolved to go and see his father, to make excuses, and to seek forgiveness of the offences of which he had been guilty, by no choice of his own, but through the divine decrees of fate, and the unseemly conduct of his brother. But he knew that his father's feelings were strongly in favour of Dárá Shukoh, and that under the influence of destiny he lost all self-control, so he determined that it was better not to pay the visit.

Instead of going himself, he directed Prince Muhammad A'zam to go and wait upon the Emperor with many apologies. The Prince accordingly presented 500 ashrafís and 4000 rupees; and the Emperor, half in joy, half in anger, took the Prince to his bosom, and shed tears over him as he embraced him.

Aurangzeb next turned his attention to the pursuit of Dárá Shukoh. He left Prince Muhammad Sultán with to attend upon the Emperor, and he appointed Islám Khán to be the Prince's director (atálík). On the 22nd Ramazán he started in pursuit of his brother. On his way he learnt that Dárá had left Dehlí on the 21st Ramazán, and had gone towards Láhore.

He sent Khán-daurán to supersede Saiyid Kásim Bárha in command of the fortress of Alláhábád. If the Saiyid gave over the fortress, he was to be treated with courtesy and sent to Aurangzeb; if he refused to yield, Khán-daurán was directed to invest the fortress, and to call for reinforcements if necessary.

Sháh Jahán, while in confinement, wrote secretly to Mahábat Khán, Governor of Kábul [a long letter, in which he said]: “Dárá Shukoh is proceeding to Láhore. There is no want of money in Láhore, there is abundance of men and horses in Kábul, and no one equal to Mahábat Khán in valour and generalship.

The Khán ought therefore to hasten with his army to Láhore, and, having there joined Dárá Shukoh, they might march against the two undutiful sons, to inflict upon them the due reward of their misconduct, and to release the Emperor, the Sáhib Kirán-i sání, from prison.”
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#19 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 17:42
Continued by saad:

Imprisonment of Murád Bakhsh.

This simple-minded Prince had some good qualities; but in the honesty of his heart and trustfulness of his disposition, he had never given heed to the saying of the great man (Sa'dí) that two kings cannot be contained in one kingdom.

He was deluded by flattering promises, and by the presents of money, etc., which had been sent to him, but they were deposits or loans rather than gifts. On the 4th Shawwál, while they were encamped at Mathurá, twenty-five kos from Ágra, Murád Bakhsh was made prisoner by a clever trick, which was aided by fortune, and into the particulars of which it is needless to enter.

Chains were placed upon his feet. That same night four elephants with covered howdas were sent off in four different directions, each under two or three sardárs and an escort. The elephant which was sent to the fort of Salím-garh carried the prisoner Murád Bakhsh. This precaution was taken lest the partisans of the Prince should fall upon the howda in which he was confined. All the treasure and effects of Murád Bakhsh, not one dám or diram of which was plundered, was confiscated.


Flight of Dárá Shukoh. Aurangzeb ascends the Throne.

Dárá Shukoh, in his progress through the Panjáb, broke up, burnt or sunk the boats where he crossed the rivers. It was reported that upon his arrival at Láhore he had seized upon nearly a kror of treasure, together with all the stores belonging to the Government and the royal amírs, and that he was engaged in enlisting soldiers and collecting munitions of war.

On hearing this, Aurangzeb, not caring to enter the fortress of Dehlí, encamped in the garden of Ághar-ábád, now called Shálámár, and he sent on an advanced force, under Bahá-dur Khán, in pursuit of Dárá. On the 1st Zí-l ka'da, 1068 A.H. (22nd July, 1658 A.D.), after saying his prayers, and at an auspicious time, he took his seat on the throne of the Empire of Hindústán, without even troubling himself about placing his name on the coinage or having it repeated in the khutba.

Such matters as titles, the khutba, the coinage, and the sending of presents to other sovereigns, were all deferred to his second taking possession of the throne.


Sulaimán Shukoh.

Intelligence now arrived that Sulaimán Shukoh had crossed the Ganges, and intended to proceed by way of Hardwár, to join his father. The Amíru-l umará and were sent off to intercept him by forced marches. On the 7th Zí-l ka'da Aurangzeb began his march to Láhore in pursuit of Dárá. The reporters now sent in the news that when Sulaimán Shukoh was approaching Hardwár, he heard that a force had been sent against him, and he had consequently turned off to the mountains of Srínagar.

His expectations of assistance from the zamíndárs of this country had not been fulfilled; so some of his adherents had parted from him, and were repairing to Aurangzeb. There remained with him altogether not more than five hundred horsemen; so, not deeming it prudent to stop longer there, he went off in the direction of Alláhábád. Before reaching that city his guardian (atálík) fell ill, and parted from him with more of his followers.

Not more than two hundred now remained with him, so he returned to the Zamíndár of Srínagar. His road passed through the jágír of the Princess Kudsiya. He extorted two lacs of rupees from her manager, plundered his house, carried the man off prisoner, and afterwards put him to death. The remainder of his men now deserted him, and there remained only Muhammad Sháh Koka and a few attendants and servants.

The Zamíndár of Srínagar coveted the money and jewels that he had with him, and kept him as a sort of prisoner in his fort. After this had been reported, Amíru-l umará, who had been sent to intercept Sulaimán Shukoh, was directed to send him prisoner in charge of a detachment, and to go himself to Ágra to Prince Muhammad Sultán.

Dárá Shukoh.

After leaving Láhore, Dárá Shukoh busied himself in raising forces, and in winning the hearts of the dwellers in those parts. He made promises and engagements in writing to the zamíndárs and faujdárs, to conciliate them and augment his army. So he collected nearly twenty thousand horsemen. He wrote to his brother Shujá', and made the most solemn promises and oaths, that after bringing the country into subjection they would divide it between them in a brotherly way.

These deceitful and treacherous letters deceived Shujá', and although he had received kind and assuring letters and promises from Aurangzeb, the foolish fellow busied himself in collecting forces, and marched from Dacca to the assistance of Dárá Shukoh, with a strong army and a large force of artillery.


It was Dárá Shukoh's desire to celebrate his accession to the throne at Láhore, and to have his name placed upon the coins and repeated in the khutba; but the power of the sword of Aurangzeb prevented this. The zamíndárs and faujdárs of name and station, hearing of the decline of the fortunes of Dárá and the rise of the fortunes of Aurangzeb, forsook the former.


Rája Jaswant.

Rája Jaswant, when he fled from the encounter with Aurangzeb, betook himself to his own country. Women, especially Rájpút women, have often a higher sense of honour than men; and for this reason will rather bear the torture of fire than suffer disgrace. Rája Jaswant's chief wife was a daughter of Rája Chattar Sál. She strongly condemned her husband's conduct, and refused to sleep with him.

In conversation she would express her censure both by words and hints. The Rája was stung to the quick by her reproaches, so he sent a letter by his vakíls to Aurangzeb, asking forgiveness of his offences. After his apology was accepted, he proceeded to Court, where he was graciously received, presented with many gifts and confirmed in his mansab.


Dárá Shukoh.

Dárá Shukoh's newly-raised army had been greatly reduced by desertion, and he was alarmed at the approach of Aurangzeb; so he fled with three or four thousand horse and a few guns towards Thatta and Multán.

He left behind Dáúd Khán to obstruct as much as possible the passage of the rivers by the army of Aurangzeb, by burning or sinking the boats. After a while the intelligence arrived that Dárá Shukoh, after staying at Multán for a short time, had gone off towards Bhak-kar, and that his followers were daily decreasing. In the beginning of Muharram, 1069 A.H., Aurangzeb (continuing his pursuit of Dárá) pitched his camp on the banks of the Ráví near Multán.


Prince Shujá'.

Intelligence now arrived that Muhammad Shujá' had marched from Bengal with 25,000 horse and a strong force of artillery, with the intention of fighting against Aurang-zeb. This proceeding changed the plans of Aurangzeb, who deemed it necessary to give up the pursuit of Dárá, and to direct his energies to the repression of this graceless brother.

So on the 12th Muharram, 1069 (30th Sept., 1658 A.D.), Aurangzeb fell back towards Dehlí, the capital. On the last day of Mu*harram, he started from Láhore, and on the 4th Rabí'u-l awwal he reached Dehlí. There he learned that Muhammad Shujá' had advanced as far as Benares, and that Rám Dás, the commandant, who had been appointed by Dárá Shukoh, had sur*rendered the fort to Shujá'.

The commandants of Chítápúr and Alláhábád had also surrendered their fortresses and joined him. After exacting three lacs of rupees under the name of a loan from the bankers of Benares, Muhammad Shujá' continued his march. He sent a force against Jaunpúr, and the commander of that fortress after its investment surrendered and joined Shujá'.

Mír Jumla Mu'azzam Khán.

Instructions were sent to the Dakhin, direct*ing the release of Mu'azzam Khán, alias Mír Jumla, whom Aurangzeb had deemed it desirable to leave in confinement at Daulatábád. Mu'azzam Khán now arrived from the Dakhin, his zeal having urged him to make a quick journey.

He brought with him his military matériel. Aurangzeb received him graciously, and acted under his advice in managing the army. He and his son Muhammad Amín Khán, with some other devoted adherents, were appointed to attend Aurangzeb, who was with the centre of the army.
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#20 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 17:50
Continued by saad:

Defeat of Prince Shujá'.

The armies of Aurangzeb and Shujá' were within half a kos of each other, and both sides prepared for battle. The guns of Shujá' were so placed as to have an advantage over those of his opponents; so Mu'azzam Khán, who was a good tactician, removed forty guns during the night to another position.

He took no rest, but busied himself in ordering his army and encouraging the men. The Emperor Aurangzeb was engaged in his tent performing his devotions, and praying to God for victory. Suddenly, about the fourth watch, a great tumult arose.

Rája Jaswant Singh, the treacherous wretch, who marched with the army, had, through one of his confidants, opened communications with Shujá' in the early part of the night, undertaking to make a sudden assault upon the army just before daybreak, and to desert, doing as much mischief as he could. “When I do this,” said he, “the King (Aurangzeb) will come in pursuit of me; you must then charge sharply upon his forces.”

About two hours of the night remained, when Jaswant Singh, in league with other Rájpút leaders, set their numerous followers in motion, and began to move off, destroying and plundering as they went, and cutting down all who opposed them. The forces under Prince Muhammad Sultán suffered especially from their attacks.

No tent, small or great, escaped their ravages. All his treasure and effects were plundered. Then they made towards the royal quarters, ransacking every*thing, and not a tent near the royal pavilion remained safe from them. For some time the cause of all this disorder was unknown. All kinds of erroneous surmises were made, and a panic was spreading through the whole army.

Many men were so disheartened that they joined the plunderers, thinking that the best way of escaping from the disaster. One party fled to the open country; another approached the enemy's army, and set about ravaging. But for all this confusion in the army, nothing shook the resolution of Aurangzeb. It was now reported to him that the traitor had moved off towards his home.

Then Aurangzeb descended from his elephant, and took his seat in a litter that all the panic-stricken men who beheld him might see that he was resolute, and had no intention of retreating.


He sent orderlies round to the commanders, directing them to forbid all riders of elephants or horses to stir from their places. Without exaggeration, half the army had gone away to plunder or escape, and many had joined the enemy. Intelligence was brought of Jaswant Singh having marched away towards Ágra.

Aurangzeb's devoted servants now gathered round him from far and near. He then again mounted his elephant, and without a cloud upon his brow rode forth to arrange his order of battle. Mu'azzam Khán received authority to make such alterations in the disposition of the forces as he deemed necessary.

The battle began about the fourth or fifth gharí of the day with a cannonade which made the earth to tremble, and filled the hearts of both armies with awe and trembling. A cannon-ball from the Emperor's army reached the elephant on which Sultán Zainu-l 'ábidín was riding, and although it did not strike the Sultán, it carried off one leg of the elephant-driver, and one leg also of the personal attendant who was seated behind the howda.

This circumstance greatly discouraged many of Shujá's army. Saiyid 'Álam Bárha, with three elephants, made an attack upon the left of the royal army, and the vigour of his assault spread confusion in the ranks of his opponents, and many of them took to flight.

The retreat of the left wing made the centre waver, and the Emperor was left with only 2000 horsemen to protect him. Greatly encouraged by the sight, the enemy made a bold and fierce attack upon the center.

The Emperor mounted upon an elephant, moved about inspiriting his men and shooting arrows against his enemies.
Murtazá Kúlí Khán, of the left wing, with several others, made a bold charge upon the enemy, and the Emperor, seeing how matters stood, joined in the charge. This gave a severe check to the enemy, who lost many men killed and wounded.

The vigour of the Saiyids of Bárha had abated, but their three elephants, each of them dashing about with his trunk a chain of two or three mans weight, overthrew and crushed every one who came in their way. One of them at length charged towards the elephant of the Emperor.

Without moving from his place or changing countenance, the Emperor made signs for his guards to shoot the animal's driver. One of the guards brought the man to the ground, and then one of the royal elephant-drivers got upon the elephant's neck and led him off. The other two ele*phants then charged the right wing of the royal army, and other forces of the enemy coming up, this wing fell into confusion. The Emperor was urged to move to its support, but he was hotly engaged himself.

He sent messages to the officers of the right wing, urging them to stand fast until he could come to their assistance. Several of the enemy's leading men now fell, and the efforts of the forces opposed to the Emperor relaxed, so that he was able to proceed to the succor of his right.

This encouraged the men. Cries of “Kill! kill!” were raised on every side, and many of the enemy were killed. A general attack was made on the enemy's centre, and then several chiefs, who had thought it expedient to support him, came over and joined the Emperor. Victory declared in favour of the Emperor, and when the glad news of Shujá's flight was brought, shouts of congratulation and victory arose, and the drums and trumpets sounded in triumph.

The victors fell upon the camp of the enemy and thoroughly plundered it; every man took what he could lay hands on; but 114 guns, 115 elephants, and much treasure, and many jewels, came into the possession of the Emperor.

After descending from his elephant, and returning thanks to God for his victory, he praised his nobles for their exertions. Then he sent his son Muhammad Sultán in pursuit of Shujá', with directions to use every exertion to cut off his flight.


Flight of Dárá Shukoh.

Intelligence was brought that Dárá Shukoh had arrived at Bhakkar in a wretched condition, with only three thousand horse. Want of porters, and the desertion of many of his adherents, compelled him to leave part of his treasure and baggage under charge of some of his servants at Bhakkar.

Dense thorn-brakes, toilsome marches, and loss of porters, impeded his progress through the salt desert beside the river of Thatta; this, with the loss of baggage, which fell into the hands of his pursuers, allowed him no rest.

Through want of water, the hardships of the march, and various diseases, many of his men died or fell away from him. Shaikh Mír, his pursuer, kept treading on his heels, and, after crossing the desert, he had not more than a thousand horsemen left. After arriving at Siwistán he determined to proceed to Ahmadábád.

The force of Shaikh Mír, the pursuer, also suffered greatly from want of water, and the long and rapid march. Loss of horses and porters, added to the other hardships, killed and scattered them. Most of those who remained had to march on foot. On these facts being reported, Shaikh Mír was ordered to return.

Surrender of Alláhábád.

On the 1st Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb pro*ceeded towards Ágra, and at the second stage he received a despatch from Prince Muhammad Sultán, reporting a second success over Shujá'. Saiyid Kásim, commandant of the fortress of Alláhábád, left a deputy in charge of the fortress, and accom*panied Shujá' to battle.

After the defeat, Kásim Khán returned to the fortress, and busied hímself in making it secure. When Shujá' arrived, he made plausible excuses for not giving up the place.

He went out with alacrity to meet the Prince, made promises of fidelity, and entertained him, after which he was dis*missed to his post. When Prince Muhammad Sultán drew near, he wrote to him a repentant letter, professing his obedience, and sending to him the keys of the fortress. On hearing of this, Aurangzeb ordered Khán-daurán to be placed in command of Alláhábád, and Kásim Khán to be sent courteously to his presence.


Rája Jaswant.

Aurangzeb appointed Amír Khán and with ten thousand horse to punish the traitor Rája Jaswant. He also joined to this force Ráí Singh Ráthor, a nephew of Rája Jaswant, who had a family feud with his uncle. This chief was honoured with the title of rája and many presents. Hopes also were held out to him of a grant of Jodpúr, his native country.


Dárá Shukoh.

Directions were sent to Amír Khán, Governor of Láhore, that upon the return of Shaikh Mír from the pursuit of Dárá, he was to remove Prince Murád Bakhsh from Salím-garh, and send him under charge of Shaikh Mír to Gwálior.
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#21 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 18:13
Continued by Saad:

On the 18th Jumáda-l awwal Aurangzeb reached Ágra, and on the 23rd he again set out. He now learnt that Dárá Shukoh had passed through Kachh to the borders of the province of Ahmadábád. He had collected round him three or four thousand horse. After the troops of Aurangzeb had given up the pursuit of him, he proceeded leisurely, endeavouring to gain over the faujdárs and zamíndárs, and to collect soldiers.

By presents of money and jewels he won over the Zamíndár of Kachh, and affianced his daughter in marriage to Prince Sipihr Shukoh.

The zamíndár sent him on with an escort through his territory towards Ahmadábád. Upon his arriving there, Sháh Nawáz Khán, the súbadár, one of whose daughters was married to Aurangzeb, and another was in the house of Murád Bakhsh, went out to meet him, accompanied by Rahmat Khán díwán, and others.

They presented to him near ten lacs worth of gold, silver, and other property belonging to Murád Bakhsh, which was in Ahmadábád. Dárá Shukoh then exerted himself in collecting money and men, and in winning adherents by presents of robes and jewels, and by promotions in rank and title.

He appointed officers, who took possession of the ports of Surat, Kambáyat, Broach, and the districts around. In the course of a month and seven days he collected 20,000 horse, and he sent requisitions to the governors of Bíjápúr and Haidarábád for money and men. He also thought over several plans for going to the Dakhin, and for joining Rája Jaswant Singh.

On the 1st Jumáda-l ákhir Dárá Shukoh began his march with a well-appointed army and a large train of artillery, for he had obtained thirty or forty guns from Surat. As he pursued his march, he every day received false and delusive letters from Rája Jaswant, befooling him with promises of coming to his assistance.


When Aurangzeb received intelligence of these proceedings, he marched towards Ajmír. Mirzá Rája Jai Singh had interceded with him on behalf of Rája Jaswant; so he pardoned his offences, and wrote to him a conciliatory letter, reinstating him in his mansab, and restoring to him his title of Mahárája.

He at the same time directed the Rája to write to him about the state of affairs, and send the letter by swift messengers. Muhammad Amín Khán, who had been commissioned to punish the Rája, was recalled. Rája Jaswant, who had advanced twenty kos from Jodpúr to meet Dárá Shukoh, on receiving the Emperor's letter, broke off his alliance with Dárá, and returned to his own country.

This defection greatly troubled Dárá, who opened a corre*spondence with the Rája, and endeavoured to win him over by promises and flattery, but without effect. When Dárá came to a place twenty kos distant from Jodpúr, he sent a Hindú named De Chand to the Rája; but he artfully replied that he remained true to his engagement, but that it was not expedient for him to move just then.

Dárá Shukoh, he said, should go to Ajmír, and open communications with other Rájpúts. If two or three Rájpúts of note joined him, then he, the Rája, would also come to his support. Dárá Shukoh, having no other course open, proceeded to Ajmír, and again sent De Chand to Jaswant; but all his persuasions and remonstrances were in vain, and it was evident that all the Rája's statements were false and treacherous.

The fact of his having received a letter of pardon from Aurangzeb was also publicly talked about. It has been said that “Necessity turns lions into foxes,” and so Dárá Shukoh, notwithstanding his knowledge of the Rája's perfidy, sent Sipihr Shukoh to him; but although the Prince flattered and persuaded, and held out great promises, the traitor did not listen, and the Prince, like De Chand, turned empty away.

Deprived of all hope of assistance from Rája Jaswant, Dárá Shukoh was at a loss what course to pursue. Then he heard of the near approach of Aurangzeb, and resolved to fight.But not deeming it expedient to fight a regular battle, he determined to retire into the hills about Ajmír, and to throw up lines of defence. Accordingly he moved into the defiles, blocked up the roads with barriers of stone and earth, and stationed his guns and musketeers so as to make his position secure.

He himself took his station with the centre. Aurangzeb directed the commander of his artillery to advance his guns against Dárá's lines. For three days most vigorous attacks were made, but Dárá's position was very strong, and his men fought bravely, so that the assailants made no impression.

Dárá's forces indeed sallied out, and after causing considerable destruction of men and beasts, returned to their positions. The artillery practice of the assailants damaged only the defence works. On the fourth night Aurangzeb called around him some of his most trusty servants, and incited them by strong exhortations and promises to undertake an assault.

Next day Aurangzeb sent Rája Rájrúp, Zamíndár of Jamún, with his infantry, against the rear of a hill, where an assault was not expected, and where the con*centration of forces was thought to render it impossible. But he forced his way, and planted his banner on the summit of the hill.

The success at the beginning of the battle was due to Rája Rájrúp; but at last the victory was owing to the devotion of Shaikh Mír, and the intrepidity of Diler Khán Afghán, who attacked the lines held by Sháh Nawáz Khán. Pride and shame so worked upon Sháh Nawáz, that he gave up all hope of surviving, and died fighting most courageously.

Dárá Shukoh seeing the defeat of his army, and hearing of the death of Sháh Nawáz Khán, seeing also the approach of his victorious foes, lost all sense and self-control, and fled with Sipihr Shukoh, Fíroz Mewátí, and some of the inmates of his harem, in great consternation and sorrow.

Of all his nobles none accompanied him but the two above named. He managed to save some jewels and money, and with some of his women, his daughter, and a few attendants, he went off towards Ahmadábád. The fact of his flight was not known for certain until three hours after dark, and fighting went on in several parts of the lines until the flight of the enemy and the abandonment of the lines were ascertained.

Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur were sent in command of a force in pursuit of Dárá Shukoh. Aurangzeb made a short stay at Ajmír, and started from thence for the capital on the 4th Rajab, 1069.


Prince Shujá'.

Prince Shujá' fled before the pursuing force of Prince Muhammad Sultán to Jahángír-nagar (Dacca), and Mu'azzam Khán obtained possession of the fort of Mongír. Shortly afterwards the fort of Chunár, which Shujá' had got into his power, was given up to Aurangzeb.
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#22 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 18:22
Continued by Saad:

Second Year of THE Reign (1659 A.D.).


The second year of the reign commenced on the 4th Ramazán, 1069 A.H. The Emperor's name and titles were proclaimed in the pulpit as “Abú-l Muzaffar Muhíu-d dín Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahádur 'Álamgír Bádsháh-i Ghází.”

In former reigns one side of the coins had been adorned with the words of the creed and the names of the first four Khalífs; but as coins pass into many unworthy places, and fall under the feet of infidels, it was ordered that this superscription should be changed [for certain couplets containing the Emperor's name].

Since the reign of the Emperor Akbar the official year of account and the years of the reign had been reckoned from the 1st Farwardí, when the Sun enters Aries, to the end of Isfandiyár, and the year and its months were called Iláhí; but as this resembled the system of the fire-worshippers, the Emperor, in his zeal for upholding Muhammadan rule, directed that the year of the reign should be reckoned by the Arab lunar year and months, and that in the revenue accounts also the lunar year should be preferred to the solar.

The festival of the (solar) new year was entirely abolished. Mathematicians, astronomers, and men who have studied history, know that the recurrence of the four seasons, summer, winter, the rainy season of Hindú-stán, the autumn and spring harvests, the ripening of the corn and fruit of each season, the tankhwáh of the jágírs, and the money of the mansabdars, are all dependent upon the solar reckoning, and cannot be regulated by the lunar; still his religious Majesty was unwilling that the nauroz and the year and months of the Magi should gives their names to the anniversary of his accession.



Dárá Shukoh.

The sad circumstances of the remainder of Dárá Shukoh's career must now be related. On leaving the mountains of Ajmír, he proceeded with his wife, daughter, some jewels, a little money, and a few domestic servants, towards Ahmadábád.

The rest of his treasure, goods, and necessary baggage, with some female servants, borne by twelve elephants and horses, he left behind in charge of servants, some of them old, some new, in the company and under the superintendence of some trusty eunuchs, with orders to follow as quickly as possible. When this party had marched four or five kos, all the servants began to plunder the property, and struggling and fighting with each other, every man seized what he could lay hands on.

The baggage was taken from the backs of the elephants and placed on camels, and the women were stripped of their jewels and taken off the camels to be mounted on the elephants; then the plunderers, with camels and horses laden with money and articles of great value, made off for the desert. The eunuchs were unable to prevent the proceedings of their escort.

In great distress, and in dread of the pursuit of the victorious troops, they were intent upon preserving their own honour and that of their master; so they led off the women on the elephants, and pursuing all night the track of Dárá through the desert, after a night and a day they overtook him.

That forlorn fugitive, in sore distress, without baggage, and despoiled by plunderers, wandered on through the desert. In eight days' time he approached Ahmadábád. But the officials of the city proclaimed Aurangzeb, and took measures to prevent Dárá from entering.

The fugitive perceived that ill-fortune everywhere awaited him. He gave up all hope of getting possession of the city, and went to Karí, two kos from Ahmadábád. There he sought assistance from Kánjí Kolí, one of the most notorious rebels and robbers of that country. Kánjí joined him, and conducted him through Gujarát to the confines of Kachh. Here he was joined by Gul Muhammad, whom he had made governor of Surat and Broach, and who brought with him fifty horse and two hundred matchlockmen.

The zamíndár of Kachh, when Dárá lately passed through the country, entertained him, treated him with every respect, and affianced a daughter in marriage to his son, all in expecta*tion of future advantage. Dárá, in his distress, now looked to him for assistance; but he heeded not, and did not even show the courtesy of a visit. After two days spent in fruitless efforts to soften the zamíndár, Dárá, with tearful eyes and burning heart, resolved to proceed to Bhakkar.

On reaching the frontier of Sind, Fíroz Mewátí, who had hitherto accompanied the unfortunate Prince, seeing how his evil fate still clung to him, abandoned the ill-starred fugitive, and went off to Dehlí. Dárá, in a bewildered condition, proceeded towards the country of Jáwiyán; but the dwellers in the deserts of that country closed the roads with the intention of making him prisoner.

With some fighting and trouble he escaped from these people, and made his way into the country of the Makashís. Mirzá Makashí, the chief of the tribe, came forth to meet him, took him home with great kindness, and entertained him.

After this he proposed to send him towards Írán, under an escort which was to conduct him to Kandahár, twelve marches distant from where he was, and he strongly advised the adoption of this course. But Dárá could not give up his futile hopes of recovering his throne and crown, and resolved to go to Malik Jíwan, zamíndár of Dhándar, who had long been bound to him by acts of generosity, and sent to assure him of his devotion and fidelity.

When Dárá reached the land of this evil zamíndár, Malik Jíwan came out like the destroying angel to meet him. As a guest-murdering host he conducted Dárá home, and exerted himself to entertain him. During the two or three days that Dárá remained here, his wife, Nádira Begam, daughter of Parwez, died of dysentery and vexation.

Mountain after mountain of trouble thus pressed upon the heart of Dárá, grief was added to grief, sorrow to sorrow, so that his mind no longer retained its equilibrium. Without considering the consequences, he sent her corpse to Láhore in charge of Gul Muhammad, to be buried there. He thus parted from one who had been faithful to him through his darkest troubles. He himself remained, attended only by a few domestic servants and useless eunuchs.

After performing the ceremonies of mourning, Dárá deter mined to set out the next morning under the escort of Malik Jíwan for Írán, by way of Kandahár. Jíwan apparently was ready to accompany him to Írán; but he had inwardly re*solved to forward his own interests by trampling under foot all claims of gratitude, and of making the wretched fugitive prisoner. So he formed his plan.

He accompanied his guest for some kos. Then he represented that it was necessary for him to return, in order to procure some further provisions for the journey, which he would collect, and would overtake Dárá after two or three days' march. Accordingly he went back, leaving his brother with a party of the ruffians and robbers of the country to attend Dárá.

This man suddenly fell upon his victim and made him prisoner, without giving him a chance of resistance. Then he carried him back with Sipihr Shukoh and his companions to the perfidious host, and kept him under guard in the place appointed. Malik Jíwan wrote an account of this good service to Rája Jai Singh and Bahádur Khán, who had been sent from Ajmír in pursuit of Dárá, and he also wrote to Bákir Khán, governor of Bhakkar.

Bákir Khán instantly sent off Malik Jíwan's letter express to Aurangzeb. Upon the arrival of Bákir Khán's despatch, Aurangzeb communicated the fact to his private councillors, but did not make it public until the arrival of a letter from Bahádur Khán confirming the news. At the end of the month of Shawwál it was published by beat of drum. The public voice spoke with condemnation and abhorrence of Malik Jíwan; but a robe and a mansab of 1000, with 200 horse, were conferred upon him.

It was now ascertained that Sulaimán Shukoh had sought refuge with the zamíndár of Srínagar. Rája Rájrúp was therefore directed to write to the zamíndár, and advise him to consult his own interest and bring Sulaimán out of his territory; if not, he must suffer the consequences of the royal anger.

In the middle of Zí-l hijja, Bahádur Khán brought Dárá Shukoh and his son Sipihr Shukoh to the Emperor, who gave orders that both father and son should be carried into the city chained and seated on an elephant, and thus be exposed to the people in the Chándní chauk and the bázár, after which they were to be carried to Khizrábád in old Dehlí, and there confined. Bahádur Khán, after giving up his prisoner, received great rewards and marks of favour.

Two days afterwards Malik Jíwan, who had received the title of Bakhtiyár Khán, entered the city, and was passing through the streets of the bázár. The idlers, the partisans of Dárá Shukoh, the workmen and people of all sorts, inciting each other, gathered into a mob, and, assailing Jíwan and his companions with abuse and imprecations, they pelted them with dirt and filth, and clods and stones, so that several persons were knocked down and killed, and many were wounded.

Jíwan was protected by shields held over his head, and he at length made his way through the crowd to the palace. They say that the disturbance on this day was so great that it bordered on re*bellion. If the kotwál had not come forward with his policemen, not one of Malik Jíwan's followers would have escaped with life. Ashes and pots full of urine and ordure were thrown down from the roofs of the houses upon the heads of the Afgháns, and many of the bystanders were injured.

Next day the kotwál made an investigation, and it was ascertained that an ahadí (guardsman) named Haibat had taken a leading part in the disturbance. He was condemned by a legal decision, and was executed.
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#23 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 18:31
Continued by Saad:

At the end of Zí-l hijja, 1069 (Sept. 1659), the order was given for Dárá Shukoh to be put to death under a legal opinion of the lawyers, because he had apostatized from the law, had vilified religion, and had allied himself with heresy and infidelity.

After he was slain, his body was placed on a howda and carried round the city. So once alive and once dead he was exposed to the eyes of all men, and many wept over his fate. He was buried in the tomb of Humáyún. Sipihr Shukoh was ordered to be imprisoned in the fortress of Gwálior.



Remission of Taxes.

The movements of large armies through the country, especially in the eastern and northern parts, during the two years past, and scarcity of rain in some parts, had combined to make grain dear. To comfort the people and alleviate their distress, the Emperor gave orders for the remission of the ráhdárí (toll) which was collected on every highway (guzar), frontier and ferry, and brought in a large sum to the revenue.

He also remitted the pándarí, a ground or house cess, which was paid throughout the Imperial dominions by every tradesman and dealer, from the butcher, the potter, and the greengrocer, to the draper, jeweller, and banker.

Something was paid to the government according to rule under this name for every bit of ground in the market, for every stall and shop, and the total revenue thus derived exceeded lacs (of rupees). Other cesses, lawful and unlawful, as the sar-shumárí, buz-shumárí, bar-gadí, the charáí (grazing tax) of the Banjáras, the tuwa'ána, the collections from the fairs held at the festivals of Muhammadan saints, and at the játras or fairs of the infidels, held near Hindú temples, throughout the country far and wide, where lacs of people assemble once a year, and where buying and selling of all kinds goes on.

The tax on spirits, on gambling-houses, on brothels, the fines, thank-offerings, and the fourth part of debts recovered by the help of magistrates from creditors. These and other imposts, nearly eighty in number, which brought in krors of rupees to the public treasury, were all abolished throughout Hindústán.

Besides these, the tithe of corn, which lawfully brought in twenty-five lacs of rupees, was remitted in order to alleviate the heavy cost of grain. To enforce these remissions, stringent orders were published everywhere throughout the provinces by the hands of mace-bearers and soldiers (ahadí).

But although his gracious and beneficent Majesty remitted these taxes, and issued strict orders prohibiting their collection, the avaricious propensities of men prevailed, so that, with the exception of the pándarí, which, being mostly obtained from the capital and the chief cities, felt the force of the abolition, the royal prohibition had no effect, and faujdárs and jágírdárs in remote places did not withhold their hands from these exactions.

Firstly, because throughout the Imperial dominions in the reign of Aurangzeb, no fear and dread of punishment remained in the hearts of the jágírdárs, faujdárs, and zamíndárs. Secondly, because the revenue officers, through inattention, or want of consideration, or with an eye to profit, contrary to what was intended, made deductions (for these cesses) from the tankhwáh accounts of the jágírdárs.

So the jágírdárs, under the pretext that the amount of the cesses was entered in their tankhwáh papers, continued to collect the ráhdárí and many other of the abolished imposts, and even increased them. When reports reached the government of infractions of these orders, (the offenders) were punished with a diminution of mansab, and the delegation of mace-bearers to their districts.

The mace-bearers forbade the collection of the imposts for a few days, and then retired. After a while, the offenders, through their patrons or the management of their agents, got their mansab restored to its original amount. So the regulation for the abolition of most of the imposts had no effect.

The ráhdárí in particular is condemned by righteous and just men as a most vexatious impost, and oppressive to travellers, but a large sum is raised by it. In most parts of the Imperial territories the faujdárs and jágírdárs, by force and tyranny, now exact more than ever from the traders and poor and necessitous travellers.

The zamíndárs also, seeing that no inquiries are made, extort more on roads within their boundaries than is collected on roads under royal officers. By degrees matters have come to such a pass, that between the time of leaving the factory or port and reaching their destination, goods and merchandize pay double their cost price in tolls.

Through the villainy and oppression of the toll-collectors and the zamín*dárs , the property, the honour, and the lives of thousands of travellers and peaceful wayfarers are frittered away. The Mahrattas, those turbulent people of the Dakhin (before the peace and after the peace which I shall have to write about in the reign of Farrukh Siyar), and other zamíndárs upon the frontier, have carried their violence and oppression in the matter of the ráhdárí to such extremes as are beyond description.


The War with Shujá'.—Defection of Prince Muhammad Sultán.

Prince Muhammad Sultán, with Mu'azzam Khán as his adviser and commander-in-chief, pursued Shujá' until he reached Dacca, where Shujá' busied himself in collecting munitions of war, men and artillery. The command of the Im*perial army and the appointment of the amírs rested in a great degree with Mu'azzam Khán.

This was a great annoyance to the Prince, and Shujá', having got information of this, conceived the idea of winning the Prince over to his side. So he opened communications with the Prince, and by letters and presents, and the arts which gain the feelings of young, inexperienced men, he seduced the Prince from the duty he owed to his father, and brought him over to his own side.

Soon he offered the Prince his daughter in marriage, and at length the Prince was so deluded as to resolve upon joining Shujá'. Towards the end of the month Ramazán, at the beginning of the third year of the reign, he sent a message to Shujá', informing him of his intention, and in the night he embarked in a boat on the Ganges with Amír Kúlí, the commander of the artillery, Kásim 'Alí Mír-tuzak, who were the prime movers in this business, and with some eunuchs and domestic servants, taking with him all the treasure and jewels he could.

When Shujá' heard of this step, he referred it to the favour of God, and sent his son Buland Akhtar with several boats and porters to conduct the Prince with his treasure and baggage over the river.

After the Prince had crossed over, and Shujá's men were busy in carrying away his treasure and baggage, the fact of his evasion became known, and was communicated to Mu'azzam Khán. The desertion caused great uneasiness in the Imperial army, and Mu'azzam Khán himself was much annoyed and troubled, but he would not allow this to be seen.

He mounted his horse, inspected the lines, encouraged the troops, and did all he could to counteract the effects of this untoward proceeding. The rainy season had come, so, for the comfort of his troops, he removed thirty kos from Akbar-nagar, to a high ground suitable for a camp in the rains.

Shujá' passed over to Akbar-nagar by boats, and attacked Mu'azzam unawares; and although the Imperial forces made a splendid resistance, some of their allies were indifferent or dis*affected, so they were overpowered and compelled to retreat. Mu'azzam Khán brought up some forces from his centre, and encouraging the waverers, he renewed the resistance, and charged.

Two or three of Shujá's chief amírs were killed or wounded, and his attack was eventually repulsed. There were several other conflicts with similar results, until the rains and the rising of the river put an end to all fighting. Muhammad Sultán married Shujá's daughter, and it was announced that after spending a few days in nuptial pleasure at Akbar-nagar, the attack on the Imperial army would be renewed.

Mu'azzam Khán received reinforcements after the cessation of the rains, and it would be a long story to relate all his bold and skilful movements. Suffice it to say that in the course of fifteen to twenty days there were some sharp conflicts, in which Shujá' was defeated, and eventually put to flight, and escaped in the war-boats, by means of which he had been enabled to make his attacks on the army of Mu'azzam, Many of the war-boats were sunk by the fire of the artillery, and some were captured. Several actions were fought near the streams, and also between the war-boats on the Ganges in the vicinity of Tánda, in which many men were killed and wounded.

When Aurangzeb received the intelligence of Muhammad Sultán's going over to Shujá', and of Mu'azzam Khán's obstinate fighting, he thought it prudent and necessary to go himself to the seat of war, and on the 5th Rabí'u-l awwal he set out for the East. About the middle of Rabí'u-s sání intelligence arrived that Prince Muhammad Sultán had left Shujá', and had again joined Mu'azzam Khán.

The Prince repented of the step he had taken, and communicated to one of the commanders in the royal army that he desired to return. He escaped with some of his servants and jewels and money on board of four boats, but he was pursued by the boats of Shujá'. The boats were fired upon, and one was sunk, but the Prince escaped. His return gave great joy to Mu'azzam Khán, who reported the fact to the Emperor, under whose orders he was sent to Court [and his associates to prison].

When the Prince returned to his father's army, Shujá' medi*tated flight, but still some hard fighting went on. At length Shujá' despaired of success, and retired leaving Bengal to the occupation of Mu'azzam Khán.

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#24 [Permalink] Posted on 29th September 2014 18:38
Continued by Saad:

Sháh Jahán.

Many letters passed between the Emperor Sháh Jahán and Aurangzeb, full of complaints and reproaches on one side, and of irritating excuses on the other. There is no advantage to be gained from recording this correspondence, and the copies of the Emperor's letters are not in the author's possession; but two or three letters which Aurangzeb wrote to his father are here reproduced verbatim, and the contents of Sháh Jahán's letters may be inferred from them.

The third letter is in answer to one written by Sháh Jahán to Aurangzeb, pardoning his offences, and sending some jewels and clothes, belonging to Dárá Shukoh, which had been left in his palace.

“After discharging the observances of religion, it is represented to your most august presence. The gracious letter which you sent in answer to the humble statement of your servant conferred great honour upon him at a most auspicious time. The glad tidings of the pardon of his faults and sins has filled him with joy and gladness.

Through the gracious kindness of his fault-forgiving and excuse-accepting father and master, he is filled with hope. Thanks be to God that Your Highness, listening to the suggestions of equity and merit, has preferred mercy to revenge, and has rescued this wicked and disgraced sinner from the abyss of sorrow and misery in both worlds!

His firm hope in the mercy of God is that in future no unworthy action will proceed from this humble servant! God, who knows the secrets of the hearts, who, according to the belief of the faithful and the infidel, and according to all religions and faiths, takes note of lies and falsehoods, He knows that this servant is not and has never been acting in opposition to the will and pleasure of his august father, as evil-judging men have supposed, but that he has considered himself the deputy of his father, and continues firm in this important service and duty!

But the due ordering of the affairs of the State and of the Faith, and the comfort of the people, are impossible under the rule of one who acts as a deputy. So, unwillingly, for the safety of the State and the good of the people, he is acting, for a few days, in the way which his heart disapproves.

God knows how many regrets he has felt in this course of action! Please God, the moment that peace shall dawn upon the country, and the clouds of strife shall be dispelled, all Your Majesty's wishes shall be gratified to your heart's desire!

This humble one has devoted the best part of his life entirely to performing good service and rendering satisfaction (to God); how then can he be satisfied that, for the fleeting trifles of the world, the august days of Your Majesty, to whose happiness the life and wealth of your children are devoted, should be passed in discomfort, and that the people of your palace should be separated from you! Shujá', not knowing the value of safety, came to Alláh-ábád with evil intentions, and stirred up strife.

Your Majesty's humble servant, though he feels somewhat at ease as regards his elder brother, has not given up all thought of him; but, placing his trust in God, and hoping for the help of the true giver of victory, he marched against him on the 17th instant. He is hopeful that, under the guidance of God and the help of the Prophet, and the good wishes of his old paternal protector, he will soon be free of this business, and do nothing to hurt the feelings of Your Majesty.

It is clear to Your Majesty that God Almighty bestows his trusts upon one who discharges the duty of cherishing his subjects and protecting the people. It is mani*fest and clear to wise men that a wolf is not fit for a shepherd, and that no poor-spirited man can perform the great duty of governing. Sovereignty signifies protection of the people, not self-indulgence and libertinism.

The Almighty will deliver your humble servant from all feeling of remorse as regards Your Majesty. Your servant, after acknowledging your pardon of his faults and offences, and the present of the jewels of Dárá Shukoh, returns his thanks for your kindness and forgiveness.”

The author heard from a trustworthy person, who was formerly superintendent of the jewel-house, that Dárá Shukoh left jewels and pearls worth 27 lacs of rupees, belonging to the inmates of his harem, in the jewel-room inside the palace, with the cognizance of the Emperor.

After his defeat he found no opportunity of removing them. Sháh Jahán, after much contention, perquisition and demanding, sent them to Aurangzeb, with the letter of forgiveness which nolens volens he had written.


Third Year of the Reign, 1070 (A.H., 1660 A.D.).



Disappearance of Prince Shujá'.

The third year of the reign began on the 24th Ramazán. Despatches about this time arrived from Mu'azzam Khán, reporting his successive victories and the flight of Shujá' to the country of Rakhang (Arracan), leaving Bengal undefended. It appeared that there had been several actions in which Shujá' was invariably defeated, and that after the last, he loaded two boats with his personal effects, vessels of gold and silver, jewels, treasure and other appendages of royalty.

His son had been in correspondence with the Rája of Rakhang, (Arracan), and when Shujá' saw that he had no ally or friend anywhere left, and that those whom he had deemed faithful had deserted him, he conceived the idea of occupying one of the fortresses on the frontiers of the Rája of Rakhang, and addressed the Rája on the subject.

But he was unable to carry his design into execution, and at length, in the greatest wretchedness and distress, he fell into the clutches of the treacherous infidel ruler of that country, and according to common rumor he was killed, so that no one ascertained what became of him.


Beginning of the troubles with Sivají.

I now relate what I have heard from trusty men of the Dakhin and of the Mahratta race about the origin and race of the reprobate Sivají. His ancestors owe their origin to the line of the Ránás of Chitor. In the tribe of the Rájpúts, and among all Hindús, it is the settled opinion, that to have a son by a woman of a different caste, or to beget one upon a slave-girl (kaníz), is wrong and censurable.

But if in youth, when the passions are strong, a man should have a son by a strange woman, he should take him into his house and have him brought up among his confidential handmaids and slaves. But nothing descends to such a son on the death (of the father).

Even if the mother of the child is of a better stock than the father, she cannot marry him unless she be of the same tribe. If, through love, a man consorts with such a woman, and has a son, the child is looked upon with great disdain, he is brought up as a bastard, and can only marry with one like himself.

If a woman of the merchant caste goes into the house of a man of lower caste than herself, or the daughter of a Bráhman consorts with a Khatrí, every child that is born is looked upon as a slave (kaníz o ghulám).

continued later إن شاء الله
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#25 [Permalink] Posted on 1st October 2014 03:51
(bism1)


Continued by Saad:

It is said that one of the ancestors of Sivají, from whom he received the name of Bhoslah, dwelt in the country of the Ráná. He formed a connexion with a woman of inferior caste, and, according to the custom of his tribe, he took the woman to himself without marriage. She bore him a son. Reflecting upon this disgrace to himself and tribe, he kept the child concealed in the hills in that position of life which he had determined for him.

There he secretly brought him up. He was very devoted to the woman; so that, although his father and mother wished him to marry a woman of his own tribe, he would not consent. When the cup of his affection ran over, and the fact of this maintenance of his child was the common talk of friends and strangers, he secretly took the boy from the place where he had concealed him, and carried him off along with his mother to the Dakhin.

Although he falsely gave out that his son was by a woman of his own tribe, no Rájpút of pure race would allow of any matrimonial connexion with the boy. So he was obliged to marry the lad to a girl of the Mahratta tribe, which also claims to belong to an obscure class of Rájpúts.

From this good stock, in the seventh or eighth generation, was born Sáhú Bhoslah. The origin of the name Bhoslah, according to the commonly-received opinion, is from the Hinduwí word “ghoslah,” meaning “place,” or a very small and narrow place; and as that man was brought up in such a place, he received the name of Bhoslah. But I have heard a different explanation.

After the dominions of the Nizámu-l Mulk dynasty had passed into the possession of Sháh Jahán, and that Emperor had entered into friendly relations with 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, the latter proposed to exchange certain districts in the neighbourhood of Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád), and belonging to Bíjápúr, for the ports of Jíwal, Bábal Danda Rájpúrí, and Chákna in the Kokan, which had formerly appertained to Nizámu-l Mulk, but had been taken possession of by 'Ádil Sháh, as being in proximity with his territory in the Konkan known by the name of Tal Kokan.

These districts consisted of jungles and hills full of trees. The proposal was accepted, and both Kokans were included in the territory of 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr.

Mullá Ahmad, an adherent of the Bíjápúr dynasty, who was descended from an Arab immigrant, held three parganas in this country. At this time two parganas, named Púna and Súpa, became the jágír of Sáhú Bhoslah. Sivají became the manager of these two parganas on the part of his father, and looked carefully after them. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage and intelligence; and for craft and trickery he was reckoned a sharp son of the devil, the father of fraud.

In that country, where all the hills rise to the sky, and the jungles are full of trees and bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like the zamín*dárs of the country, he set about erecting forts on the hills, and mud forts, which in the Hinduwí dialect of the Dakhin are called garhí.

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr was attacked by sickness, under which he suffered for a long time, and great confusion arose in his territory. At this time Mullá Ahmad went with his followers to wait upon the Emperor Sháh Jahán, and Sivají, seeing his country left without a ruler, boldly and wickedly stepped in and seized it, with the possessions of some other jágírdárs.

This was the beginning of that system of violence which he and his descendants have spread over the rest of the Kokan and all the territory of the Dakhin. Whenever he heard of a prosperous town, or of a district inhabited by thriving cultivators, he plundered it and took possession of it. Before the jágírdárs in those troublous times could appeal to Bíjápúr, he had sent in his own account of the matter, with presents and offerings, charging the jágírdárs or proprietors with some offence which he had felt called upon to punish, and offering to pay some advanced amount for the lands on their being attached to his own jágír, or to pay their revenues direct to the Government.

He communicated these matters to the officials at Bíjápúr, who in those disturbed times took little heed of what any one did. So when the jágírdár's complaint arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one took any notice of it. The country of the Dakhin was never free from commotions and outbreaks, and so the officials, the raiyats, and the soldiery, under the influence of surrounding circumstances, were greedy, stupid, and frivolous; thus they applied the axe to their feet with their own hands, and threw their wealth and property to the winds.

The greed of the officials increased, especially in those days when the authority of the rulers was interrupted, or their attention diverted. In accordance with the wishes of this disturber, the reins of authority over that country fell into his hands, and he at length became the most notorious of all the rebels.

He assembled a large force of Mahratta robbers and plun*derers, and set about reducing fortresses. The first fort he reduced was that of Chandan. After that he got possession of some other fortresses which were short of supplies, or were in charge of weak and inexperienced commandants. Evil days fell upon the kingdom of Bíjápúr in the time of Sikandar 'Alí 'Ádil Khán the Second, whose legitimacy was questioned, and who ruled when a minor as the locum tenens of his father.

The operations of Aurangzeb against that country when he was a prince in the reign of his father, brought great evil upon the country, and other troubles also arose. Sivají day by day increased in strength, and reduced all the forts of the country, so that in course of time he became a man of power and means. He had drawn together a large force, and attacked the Kings of Hind and of Bíjápúr, and, protected by mountains and jungles full of trees, he ravaged and plundered in all directions far and wide.

The inaccessible forts of Rájgarh and Chákna were his abodes, and he had secured several islands in the sea by means of a fleet which he had formed. He built several forts also in those parts, so that altogether he had forty forts, all of which were well supplied with provisions and munitions of war. Boldly raising his standard of rebellion, he became the most noted rebel of the Dakhin.


Sivají murders Afzal Khán Bíjápúrí.

When Sikandar 'Alí 'Ádil Khán came to years of discretion, and took the government into his own hands, he wrote letters to Sivají, but without effect. He then sent Afzal Khán with a large army to chastise the rebel. Afzal Khán was one of 'Ádil Khán's most distinguished and courageous officers, and he pressed Sivají hard. The truculent rebel, knowing that he could gain nothing by regular warfare, artfully sent some of his people to express his repentance, and to beg forgiveness of his offences.

After some negociation, the deceitful bráhmans made an agreement that Sivají should come to wait upon Afzal Khán at a certain place under his fortress with only three or four servants and entirely without arms. Afzal Khán likewise was to proceed in a pálkí, with four or five servants, and without arms, to the place agreed upon under the fort. After Sivají had paid his respects, and verbal agreements had been made, he was to receive a khil'at and then be dismissed.

When Afzal Khán had taken the proffered tribute and peshkash, Sivají was to entertain him, and speed him on his way back to Bíjápúr, or rather he would attend him thither in person upon an assurance of reconciliation.

The designing rascal by sending various presents and fruits of the country, and by his humbleness and submission, conciliated Afzal Khán, who fell into the snare, believing all his false deceiving statements, and observing none of that caution which the wise commend. Without arms he mounted the pálkí, and proceeded to the place appointed under the fortress. He left all his attendants at the distance of a long arrow-shot.

Then the deceiver came down on foot from the fort, and made his appearance with manifestations of humility and despair. Upon reaching the foot of the hill, after every three or four steps, he made a confession of his offences, and begged forgiveness in abject terms and with limbs trembling and crouching. He begged that the armed men and the servants who had accompanied Afzal Khán's litter should move farther off.

Sivají had a weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichúá, on the fingers of his hand hidden under his sleeve, so that it could not be seen. He had concealed a number of armed men among the trees and rocks all about the hill, and he had placed a trumpeter on the steps, to whom he said, “I intend to kill my enemy with this murderous weapon; the moment you see me strike, do not think about me, but blow your trumpet and give the signal to my soldiers.” He had given orders to his troops also that as soon as they heard the blast of the trumpet, they should rush out and fall upon the men of Afzal Khán, and do their best to attain success.

Afzal Khán, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar to that place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivají approach unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon his person and spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men who had accompanied his litter to withdraw to a distance. The treacherous foe then approached and threw himself weeping at the feet of Afzal Khán, who raised his head, and was about to place the hand of kindness on his back and embrace him.

Sivají then struck the concealed weapon so fiercely into his stomach that he died without a groan. According to his orders, the trumpeter blew a blast of triumph to arouse the concealed troops. Men on horse and foot then rushed forth in great numbers on all sides, and fell upon the army of Afzal Khán, killing, plundering, and destroying.

The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in safety and joined his own men, whom he ordered to offer quarter to the defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses, elephants, treasure, and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to take the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as usual, he went on collecting stores and men.

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, on hearing of this defeat, sent another army against Sivají, under the command of Rustam Khán, one of his best generals. An action was fought near the fort of Parnála, and Rustam Khán was defeated. In fine, Fortune so favoured this treacherous worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew more powerful every day. He erected new forts, and employed himself in settling his own territories, and in plundering those of Bíjápúr.

He attacked the caravans which came from distant parts, and appropriated to himself the goods and the women. But he made it a rule that wherever his followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Kurán came into his hands, he treated it with respect, and gave it to some of his Musulmán followers.

When the women of any Hindú or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they had no friend to protect them, he watched over them until their relations came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever he found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself.

He laid down the rule that whenever a place was plundered, the goods of poor people, pul-siyáh (copper money), and vessels of brass and copper, should belong to the man who found them; but other articles, gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable stuffs and jewels, were not to belong to the finder, but were to be given up without the smallest deduction to the officers, and to be by them paid over to Sivají's government.
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#26 [Permalink] Posted on 1st October 2014 03:59
Continued by Saad:

March of Amíru-l umará to punish Sivají.

When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivají's violence, he directed Amíru-l umará who was Súbadár of the Dakhin, to punish and put him down. Amíru-l umará marched, in accordance with these orders, from Aurangábád at the end of Jumáda-l awwal, 1070 (end of January, 1660 A.D.), and marched towards Púna and Chákna, which in those days were Sivají's places of abode and security.

He left Mumtáz Khán in command at Aurangábád, and on the 1st Rajab arrived at the village of Seogánw, belonging to Sivají. At this time Sivají was at the town of Súpa, but upon hearing of Amíru-l umará's movements, he vacated that place, and went off in another direction. Amíru-l umará took Súpa without opposition, and left Jádú Ráí there to take charge of it, and to provide supplies of corn for the army.

The daring freebooter Sivají ordered his followers to attack and plunder the baggage of Amíru-l umará's army wherever they met with it. When the Amír was informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under experienced officers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and in every march, Sivají's Dakhinís swarmed round the baggage, and falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses, camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became aware of the approach of the troops.

The Imperial forces pursued them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and giving up fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they reached Púna and Sívápúr, two places built by that dog (Sivají). The Imperial forces took both these places and held them.

Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Chákna, and after examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches, erected batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own position, and began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having invested the place, they used their best efforts to reduce it. The rains in that country last nearly five months, and fall night and day, so that people cannot put their heads out of their houses.

The heavy masses of clouds change day into night, so that lamps are often needed, for without them one man cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets were rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows deprived of their strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and the walls of the fortress were breached by the fire of the guns.

The garrison were hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights they sallied forth into the trenches and fought with surprising boldness. Sometimes the forces of the freebooter on the outside combined with those inside in making a simultaneous attack in broad daylight, and placed the trenches in great danger. After the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days, a bastion which had been mined was blown up, and stones, bricks and men flew into the air like pigeons.

The brave soldiers of Islám, trusting in God, and placing their shields before them, rushed to the assault and fought with great determination. But the infidels had thrown up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made intrenchments and places of defence in many parts. All the day passed in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed.

But the brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without food or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun rose, they renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the garrison to the sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution they carried the place. The survivors of the garrison retired into the citadel. In this assault 300 men of the royal army were slain, besides sappers and others engaged in the work of the siege.

Six or seven hundred horse and foot were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. The men in the citadel being reduced to extremity, sent Ráo Bháo Singh to make terms, and then surrendered. Next day Amíru-l umará entered and inspected the fortress, and having left Uzbek Khán in command of it, he marched after Sivají. After a time he gave the name of Islámábád to Chákna, and called Ja'far Khán from Málwá to his assistance. Amíru-l umará reported that the fort of Parenda had been won without fighting.


Sulaimán Shukoh.

Sulaimán Shukoh had for some time found refuge in the hills with Pirthí Singh, Zamíndár of Srínagar, and Tarbiyat Khán had been sent with an army to overrun that territory. Pirthí Singh now wrote, through the medium of Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness for his offences, and offering to give up Sulaimán Shukoh. Kunwar Ráí Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, was sent to fetch Sulaimán Shukoh, and he brought him to Court on the 11th Jumáda-l awwal.

He was led into the presence of the Emperor, who graciously took a lenient course, and ordered him to be sent prisoner to the fort of Gwálior, along with Muhammad Sultán, who had been confined in Salím-garh.


Season of Scarcity.

Unfavourable seasons and want of rain, com*bined with war and movements of armies, had made grain very scarce and dear. Many districts lay entirely waste, and crowds of people from all parts made their way to the capital. Every street and bázár of the city was choked with poor helpless people, so that it was difficult for the inhabitants to move about.

An Imperial order was issued, that in addition to the regular bulghúr-khánas, where raw and cooked grain was given away, ten more langar-khánas (free houses of entertainment), should be opened in the city, and twelve bulghúr-khánas in the suburbs and among the tombs, and careful men were appointed to superintend them.

Instructions were also issued for the amírs to make provision for langar distributions, and orders were given for the remission of taxes on (the transport of) grain, with the view of favouring the gathering of stores.
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#27 [Permalink] Posted on 1st October 2014 04:22
Continued by Saad:

Fourth Year of The Reign, 1071 A.H. (1661 A.D.).


Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam married (in 1071 A.H.) the daughter of Rája Rúp Singh.

Campaign of Khán-khánán Mu'azzam Khán (Mír Jumla) against Assam.

The country of Áshám (Assam) lies to the east and north of Bengal between long ranges of hills. Its length is nearly 100 jaríbí kos, and its width from the mountains on the north to those on the south side is eight days' journey. It is said to be the native land of Pírán Waisiya, the wazír of Afrásiyáb, and the Rája of the country traces his descent from this Pírán.

In the beginning the Rájas were fire-worshippers, but in course of time they became identified with the idolators of Hind. It is the established practice in that country that every individual pays annually one tola of gold-dust to the government of the Rája.

When the Rája of that country or a great zamíndár dies, they dig a large tomb or apartment in the earth, and in it they place his wives and concubines, as also his horses and equipage, carpets, vessels of gold and silver, grain, etc., all such things as are used in that country, the jewels worn by wives and nobles, perfumes and fruit, sufficient to last for several days. These they call the provisions for his journey to the next world, and when they are all collected the door is closed upon them.

It was in consequence of this custom that the forces of Khán-khánán obtained such large sums of money from under ground. The country of Kámrúp borders upon Assam, and the two countries are friendly. For the last twenty years the people of this country had been refractory. They were in the habit of attacking the Imperial territories in the province of Bengal, and of carrying off the ryots and Musulmáns as prisoners. So great injury was done to life and property, and great scandal was cast upon the Muhammadan religion.

Islám Khán, Súbadár of Bengal, led an army against the country in the reign of Sháh Jahán, but he was recalled and appointed to the office of wazír before the work was accomplished. Afterwards Shujá' went to seek refuge with the Zamíndár of Rak-hang, who was one of the zamíndárs of those parts, and his fate was never ascertained.

After Khán-khánán had settled the affairs of Dacca and other parts of Bengal, he resolved upon marching against Assam, and began to collect men and supplies for the campaign. When the Rája of Assam and the Zamíndár of Kúch Bihár, named Bhím Naráín, heard of this, they were greatly alarmed, and wrote penitent letters making submission and seeking forgiveness.

These were forwarded to the Emperor, but orders were sent to Khán-khánán for the extermination of both of them. So he marched against that country with artillery, provisions for sieges, and a number of boats, which are of great importance for carrying on war in those parts. [Long details of the campaign.] Khán-khánán had the khutba read and money coined in the name of the Emperor.

He set aside the government of the Rája, and was desirous of pursuing him; but the rainy season was coming on, and in that country it lasts five months, and rains almost incessantly night and day. Large quantities of gold and silver were obtained from the places of sepulture. Khán-khánán left the commander of his artillery in the conquered fortress of Ghar-gánw to take charge of it, and to get his guns in order, for artillery is all-important in that country.

The Khán then retired thirty kos and a half from Ghar-gánw to Mathura-púr, which is situated at the foot of a hill, and is not liable to inundation. There he found cantonments in which to pass the rainy season. For seven or eight kos round he stationed outposts under experienced officers to guard against surprise by the Assamese. The infidels repeatedly made attacks on dark nights, and killed many men and horses.



Fifth Year of The Reign, Corresponding to 1072 A.H. (1662 A.D.).


The fifth year of the reign began 1st Shaw-wál. Soon after the celebration of the fifth anniversary, the Emperor was attacked by illness. In the course of a week the fact got noised about in the vicinity of the capital, where it interrupted the ordinary occupations of the people, and excited the hopes of the disaffected. But His Majesty's health soon recovered, and on the 7th Jumáda-l awwal he started from Dehlí for Láhore on his way to Kashmír.


Murder of Prince Murád Bakhsh.

The author of the 'Álamgír-náma has given an account of the killing of Murád Bakhsh as suited his own pleasure (marzí). I now give my version of it as I have ascertained it from written records, and as I have heard it from the evidence of truthful men of the time, and from the mouth of my own father, who was a confidential servant of Murád Bakhsh, and until his services were no longer needed lived at the foot of the fort (of Gwálior), intent upon raising a rope-ladder (kamand) and of rescuing his master, without even thinking of taking service under Aurangzeb.

When Muhammad Bakhsh was sent to the fortress, a favourite concubine, named Sarsun Báí, was at his request allowed to accompany him. The unfortunate prisoner used to give away half what was allowed him for his support in cooked food to the Mughals and Mughal woman who had followed him to his place of captivity, and lived in poverty at the foot of the fortress.

After many schemes had been proposed, the Mughals contrived a plan for fastening a rope-ladder to the ramparts at a given time and place. After the second watch of the night, before the world was asleep, Murád Bakhsh communicated his intended escape to Sarsun Báí, and promised to do his best to return and rescue her.

On hearing this, Sarsun Báí began to weep and cry out in such a way that the guards heard what she said, and with lights and torches searched for and discovered the ladder. When the plot was communicated to Aurangzeb, he felt some alarm for his throne. At the instigation of some of the Emperor's friends, the sons of 'Alí Nakí, whom Murád Bakhsh had put to death, brought a charge of murder against him.

The eldest son refused to demand satisfaction for his father's death, but the second complied with the expressed wish, and brought a charge of murder in a court of law against Murád Bakhsh. The case came at length before the Emperor, and he directed that it should be submitted to a judge. After it had been decided according to law, the order was given in Rabí'u-s sání, 1072 A.H., for the judge to go along with the heir of the slain man to Murád Bakhsh to pronounce the sentence of the law, upon the murder being proved.

The date of his death is found in the line Ai wai ba-har bahánah kushtand, “Alas and alas! on some pretext they killed him.” His gracious Majesty rewarded the eldest son for not enforcing his claim of blood.


The Campaign in Assam.

I now revert to the campaign of Khán-khánán in Assam. [Long details of the sufferings of the troops from the constant attacks of the natives, from the rains and floods, from want of food, and from sickness and disease.] The men of the army were reduced to such extremity that some of the officers, after consulting together, were about to move off and leave Khán-khánán.

He got information of this, and took measures to prevent it. He gave public orders for the army to move its position towards that held by the Rája, but pri*vately he prepared for a (backward) march, and comforted his men with prospects of peace and return. When the Assamese got intelligence of the movement, they assembled in great numbers, and showed great insolence.

Diler Khán resolved to punish them, and thousands of them were slain and made prisoners. Khán-khánán ordered that the prisoners should have the heads of the slain tied round them, and be thus exposed to the derision of the camp. He then sent them to the outposts to be again exposed, and afterwards put to death. The Rája at length consented to terms of peace.

He agreed to pay 120,000 tolas of silver, and 2000 tolas of gold, and to present fifty elephants and one of his ugly daughters to the Emperor. He also agreed to present fifteen elephants and another daughter to Khán-khánán, together with some cash and goods. It was further agreed that of the conquered places a few forts and towns in cultivated districts near the frontier of Bengal should be attached to the Imperial dominions.

In the middle of Jumáda-l awwal, in the fifth year of the reign, the Khán-khánán began his return march with an army broken down by disease, and with many of the officers and nobles at the point of death. The Khán-khánán himself was seriously ill, but he strove to the last in the service of his master. Concealing his own suffering, or making light of it, he exerted himself night and day to direct and comfort his army, until he was overpowered by disease, and knew that the time of his departure was near. He appointed certain of his officers to march against the Rája of Kúch Bihár, who had failed in keeping his engagements and paying tribute. Then he spoke a few last words of kindly counsel, and died at Khizr-púr, on the frontiers of Kúch Bihár, on the 12th Ramazán, at the beginning of the sixth year of the reign.

contd إن شاء الله ..
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#28 [Permalink] Posted on 3rd October 2014 10:39
(bism1)


Continued by Saad:


Sixth Year of The Reign, 1073 A.H. (1663 A.D.)



Sivají surprises Sháyista Khán at Púna.

The Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), after taking several forts and strong places, proceeded to Púna, and lodged there in a house which had been built by that hell-dog Sivají. From thence he sent out detachments to destroy the power of Sivají, and to make him prisoner.

A regulation had been made that no person, especially no Mahratta, should be allowed to enter the city or the lines of the army without a pass, whether armed or unarmed, excepting persons in the Imperial service. No Mahratta horseman was taken into the service. Sivají, beaten and dispirited, had retired into mountains difficult of access, and was continually changing his position. One day a party of Mahrattas, who were serving as foot-soldiers, went to the kotwál, and applied for a pass to admit 200 Mahrattas, who were accompanying a marriage party.

A boy dressed up as a bridegroom, and escorted by a party of Mahrattas with drums and music, entered the town early in the evening. On the same day another party was allowed to enter the town on the report that a number of the enemy had been made prisoners at one of the outposts, and that another party was bringing them in pinioned and bare-headed, holding them by ropes and abusing and reviling them as they went along. They proceeded to the place agreed upon, where the whole party met and put on arms. At midnight they went to the cook-house, which was near the women's apartments. Between the two there was a small window stopped up with mud and bricks.

They proceeded by a way well known to them, and got into the kitchen. It was the month of the fast. Some of the cooks were awake, and busy in preparing the vessels for cooking, and others were asleep. The assailants approached noiselessly, and, as far as they were able, they attacked and killed unawares those who were awake.

Those who were asleep they butchered as they lay. So no great alarm was raised.
They then quickly set to work about opening the closed window in the palace. The noise of their pickaxes and the cries of the slaughtered men awoke a servant who was sleep*ing in a room next to the wall of the cook-house. He went to the Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), and informed him of what he had heard.

The Amír scolded him, and said that it was only the cooks who had got up to do their work. Some maid-servants then came, one after another, to say that a hole was being made through the wall. The Amír then jumped up in great alarm, and seized a bow, some arrows, and a spear. Just then some Mahrattas came up in front, and the Amír shot one with an arrow; but he got up to the Amír, and cut off his thumb.

Two Mahrattas fell into a reservoir of water, and Amíru-l umará brought down another with his spear. In the midst of the confusion two slave-girls took Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, by the hand, and dragged him from the scene of strife to a place of safety.

A number of Mahrattas got into the guard-house, and killed every one they found on his pillow, whether sleeping or awake, and said: “This is how they keep watch!” Some men got into the nakár-khána, and in the name of the Amíru-l umará ordered the drums to be beaten; so such a din was raised that one man could not hear another speak, and the noise made by the assailants grew higher.

They closed the doors. Abú-l Fath Khán, son of Sháyista Khán, a brave young man, rushed forward and killed two or three men, but was himself wounded and killed. A man of importance, who had a house behind the palace of the Amíru-l umará, hearing the outcry, and finding the doors shut, endea*voured to escape by a rope-ladder from a window; but he was old and feeble, and somewhat resembled Sháyista Khán.

The Mahrattas mistook him for the Amíru-l umará, killed him and cut off his head. They also attacked two of the Amír's women. One of them was so cut about that her remains were collected in a basket which served for her coffin. The other recovered, although she had received thirty or forty wounds. The assailants gave no thought to plundering, but made their way out of the house and went off.

In the morning Rája Jaswant, who was commander of Amíru-l umará's supports, came in to see the Amír, and make his apology; but that high-born noble spoke not a word beyond saying, “I thought the Mahárája was in His Majesty's service when such an evil befell me.”

When this occurrence was reported to the Emperor, he passed censure both upon the Amír and Rája Jaswant. The Súbadárí of the Dakhin and the command of the forces employed against Sivají was given to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. The Amíru-l umará was recalled, but a subsequent order sent him to be Súbadár of Bengal. Mahárája Jaswant was continued as before among the auxiliary forces under the Prince.


Seventh Year of The Reign, 1074 A.H. (1664 A.D.)



Despatches arrived from Prince Mu'azzam to the effect that Sivají was growing more and more daring, and every day was attacking and plundering the Imperial territories and caravans. He had seized the ports of Jíwal, Pábal and others near Surat, and attacked the vessels of pil*grims bound to Mecca.

He had built several forts by the seashore, and had entirely interrupted maritime intercourse. He had also struck copper coins (sikka-i pul) and huns in the fort of Ráj-garh. Mahárája Jaswant had endeavoured to suppress him, but without avail. Rája Jai Sing [and many other nobles] were sent to join the armies fighting against him.


Eigth Year of The Reign, 1075 A.H. (1665 A.D.)



War in the Dakhin. Surrender of Sivají.


Rája Jai Singh proceeded to his command and paid his respects to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at Aurangábád. He then went to Púna, and having arranged the affairs of that district, he employed himself in distributing the forces under his command to ravage the country and attack the forts of the enemy.

He himself proceeded to attack the forts of Púrandhar and Rúdar Mál, two of the most noted fortresses in the country, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. The two forts were close to each other. Diler Khán was sent on in command of the advanced force. Diler Khán began the siege, and both the forts were invested. The garrison made a vigorous defence. Jai Singh arrived with his son Kesar Singh.

After a bastion had been blown up on one side, a panic seized the defenders of the foot of the hill. The besiegers then attacked them and succeeded in making their way to the top of the hill, when the defenders called for quarter, which was granted to them by the Rája and Diler Khán.

The two commandants waited upon Diler Khán, and were sent to the Rája, who disarmed the garrison, and took possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry and sappers, were lost in the siege, and more than a hundred were wounded.
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#29 [Permalink] Posted on 3rd October 2014 10:44
Continues by Saad:

After the conquest of the two forts, Rája Jai Singh sent Dáúd Khán and with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay waste the country which Sivají had won by force and violence. Great efforts were made on both sides, and for five months the Imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting the enemy. At Sívápúr, which was built by Sivají, and at the forts of Kandána and Kanwárí-garh, not one trace of cultivation was left, and cattle out of number were taken.

But on the other hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy, their brilliant successes, their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of the roads and difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles full of trees, severely tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great numbers perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and took to flight.

The fort of Rájgarh, which Sivají himself held, and the fort of Kandána, in which were his wife and his maternal relations, were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard. The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivají knew that, however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family and carry them to a place of safety.

He also knew that if these strongholds were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer the consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent some intelligent men to Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of his offences, promising the surrender of several forts which he still held, and proposing to pay a visit to the Rája.

But the Rája, knowing well his craft and falsehood, gave directions for pressing the attack more vigorously, until the intelligence was brought that Sivají had come out of the fortress. Some con*fidential Bráhmans now came from him, and confirmed his expressions of submission and repentance with the most stringent oaths.

The Rája promised him security for his life and honour, upon condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to enter into his service. He also promised him the grant of a high mansab, and made preparations for suitably receiving him. Sivají then approached with great humility. The Rája sent his munshí to receive him, and he also sent some armed Rájpúts to provide against treachery.

The munshí carried a message to say that if Sivají submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented to show obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted by the Emperor. If he did not accept these terms, he had better return and prepare to renew the war. When Sivají received the message, he said with great humility that he knew his life and honour were safe if he made his submission. The Rája then sent a person of higher rank to bring him in with honour.

When Sivají entered, the Rája arose, embraced him, and seated him near himself. Sivají then, with a thousand signs of shame, clasped his hands and said, “I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness, and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will make over my great forts, with the country of the Kokan, to the Emperor's officers, and I will send my son to enter the Imperial service.

As for myself, I hope that after the interval of one year, when I have paid my respects to the Emperor, I may be allowed, like other servants of the State, who exercise authority in their own provinces, to live with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and wherever my services, are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my duty loyally.” The Rája cheered him up, and sent him to Diler Khán.

After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege, seven thousand persons, men, women and children, came out of the fort. All that they could not carry away became the property of the Government, and the fort was taken possession of by the forces. Diler Khán presented Sivají with a sword, and . He then took him back to the Rája, who presented him with a robe, and renewed his assurances of safety and honourable treatment.

Sivají, with ready tact, bound on the sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful service. When the question about the time Sivají was to remain under parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rája Jai Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivají and the grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. A mace-bearer arrived with the farmán and a robe, and Sivají was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour.

A discussion then arose about the forts, and it was finally settled that out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the keys of twenty-three should be given up, with their revenues, amounting to ten lacs of huns, or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve small forts, with moderate revenues, were to remain in the possession of Sivají's people.

Sambhá his son, a boy of eight years old, in whose name a mansab of 5000 had been granted at Rája Jai Singh's suggestion, was to proceed to Court with the Rája, attended by a suitable retinue. Sivají himself, with his family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to restore the prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was summoned on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being allowed to depart, he received a robe, horse, and.



Death of Sháh Jahán.

It now became known that the Sáhib Kirán-i sání (Sháh Jahán) was very ill, and that his life was drawing to a close. Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was im*mediately sent off in haste to visit him, but he received the intelligence of his (grandfather's) death while on his way. He died at the end of Rajab 1076 A.H. (22nd Jan. 1666), in the eighth year of the reign of Aurangzeb, who grieved much over his death. Sháh Jahán reigned thirty-one years, and he was secluded and under restraint nearly eight years.

Among the events of this year was the subjugation of Sangrám-nagar and Chátgám near Arracan. The zamíndárs of these places had shaken off their allegiance, but Ummed Khán, eldest son of Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, defeated them. The name of Sangrám-nagar was changed to 'Álamgír-nagar, and that of Chátgám to Islámábád.
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#30 [Permalink] Posted on 3rd October 2014 10:51
Continued by Saad:


Ninth Year of The Reign, 1076 A.H. (1666 A.D.)



Sivají at the Imperial Court.


Rája Jai Singh, in the war with Bíjápúr, to be described presently, had, with the co-operation of Sivají, done splendid service. After giving Sivají every assurance of a kind and gracious reception, he made himself responsible for his safety, and sent him to Court. News of Sivají's arrival was brought as the festival of the accession was being celebrated.

It was ordered that Kunwar Rám Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, with Mukhlis Khán, should go out to meet and conduct that evil malicious fellow into Ágra. On the 18th Zí-l ka'da, 1076, Sivají, and his son of nine years old, had the honour of being introduced to the Emperor. He made an offering of 500 ashrafís and 6000 rupees, altogether 30,000 rupees.

By the royal command he was placed in the position of a panj-hazárí. But his son, a boy of eight years, had privately been made a panj-hazárí, and Nathují, one of his relations, who had rendered great service to Rája Jai Singh in his campaign against Bíjápúr, had been advanced to the same dignity, so that Sivají had a claim to nothing less than the dignity of a haft-hazárí (7000).

Rája Jai Singh had flattered Sivají with promises; but as the Rája knew the Emperor to have a strong feeling against Sivají, he artfully refrained from making known the promises he had held out. The istikbál, or reception of Sivají, had not been such as he expected. He was annoyed, and so, before the robe and jewels and elephant, which were ready for presentation to him, could be presented, he complained to Rám Singh that he was disappointed.

The Kunwar tried to pacify him, but without effect. When his disrespectful bearing came to the knowledge of the Emperor, he was dismissed with little ceremony, without receiving any mark of the Imperial bounty, and was taken to a house outside the city near to the house of Rája Jai Singh, as had been arranged by Kunwar Rám Singh.

A letter was sent to Rája Jai Singh, informing him of what had passed, and Sivají was forbidden to come to the Royal presence until the Rája's answer and advice should arrive. His son was ordered to attend the presence in the company of Rám Singh.


Campaign against Bíjápúr.


Rája Jai Singh, with Diler Khán and his other associates, in obedience to orders, marched against Bíjá-púr. He took with him, as guides and assistants, Mullá Yahyá Bíjápúrí, Purdil Khán, Sivají, and Nathují, one of Sivají's relations, who was his chief supporter, and for whom also a mansab of 5000 had been proposed.

His force amounted on paper (kalamí) to 33,000 horse, but he had with him 25,000. Abú-l Majd, grandson of Bahlol Khán, and one of the bravest of the nobles of Bíjápúr, separated from 'Ádil Khán, and joined Rája Jai Singh, whom he assisted in subduing that country.

The Rája acted in all matters upon his advice, and he wrote to the Emperor recommending that a mansab of 5000 and 4000 horse should be settled upon him, which request was graciously acceded to. Forts belonging to Bíjápúr were taken by storm, or after a few days' siege, in all directions. Sivají and Nathují, with two thousand horse and eight or nine thousand infantry, showed great skill in taking forts, and won much fame. In the course of three or four weeks three forts, Mangal-pahra and others, were taken. [Severe fighting.]

At length, after two months' fighting, the Imperial forces came to five kos distance from Bíjápúr. On the 2nd Rajab they began the investment of the city. 'Ádil Khán, being now closed in, directed his generals to enter the Imperial territory and lay it waste. Others were sent to oppose the Rája and attack his baggage.

The embankments of the tanks were cut, poisonous matters and carrion were thrown into the wells, the trees and lofty buildings near the fortress were destroyed, spikes were fixed in the ground, and the gardens and houses on both sides of the city were so destroyed that not a trace of culture was left near the city.

Khwája Neknám, a eunuch, joined Sharza Khán, the commander of 'Ádil Khán's army, with a reinforcement of 6000 horse and 25,000 infantry, from Kutbu-l Mulk. Every day there was severe fighting, and the men and animals which went out from the Imperial army to forage were cut off. Diler Khán was present wherever danger was, but to recount all the combats which were fought would be long and tedious.

Sivají, with Nathují and several thousand Imperial horse, had been sent to reduce the fort of Parnála; but after making some bold movements, he was obliged to relinquish the attempt, and proceeded to Khelna, one of his own forts. Nathújí, who had been corrupted by some of the Bíjápúr chiefs, separated from Sivají, and went off along with them.

The Rája called Sivají to him, and treated him very courteously. At length, by the active exertions and clever management of Sivají, several forts came into the possession of the royal forces. In accordance with Sivají's own desire, and in performance of the promise made to him, under the Imperial orders he was sent off express with his son at the end of the month of Ramazán to Court.

After the departure of Sivají, the siege of Bíjápúr was carried on for two months and a half longer, and there were many hard fights under the walls.

At the end of Zí-l ka'da the siege had gone on for eight months, during which neither cavalry nor infantry had rested. All round Bíjápúr for forty or fifty kos not a trace of grass or fodder was left. No supplies arrived, so the Imperial armies were reduced to great straits. The Rája and Diler Khán therefore deemed it advisable to remove to the neighbourhood of Dhárúr, to have their wounded tended, to give rest to their troops, and to collect lead and powder.

They also hoped to obtain there supplies of fodder and corn. A despatch to this effect was sent off to the Emperor. The Dakhinís also, inside the fortress, found their provisions drawing to an end, and their weapons expended or damaged. Both besiegers and besieged were therefore anxious for an arrangement.

When the despatch reached the Emperor, he issued an order directing his generals to cease operations against 'Ádil Khán. Rája Jai Singh was directed to proceed to Auraugábád, and Diler Khán was recalled to Court.



Sivají's Escape.


After Sivají returned angry and disappointed from the royal presence to his house, orders were given to the kotwál to place guards round it. Sivají, reflecting upon his former deeds and his present condition, was sadly troubled by the state of his affairs.

He thought of nothing else but of delivering himself by some crafty plan from his perilous position. His subtle mind was not long in contriving a scheme. From the beginning he kept up a show of friendship and intimacy with the amírs, and with Kunwar Rám Singh. He sent them presents of Dakhin products, and, by expressing contrition for his past conduct, he won them over to advocate the acceptance of his shame and repentance.

Afterwards he feigned to be ill, and groaned and sighed aloud. Complaining of pains in the liver and spleen, he took to his bed, and, as if prostrated with consumption or fever, he sought remedies from the physicians. For some time he carried on this artifice.

At length he made known his recovery. He sent presents to his doctors and attendants, food to the Bráhmans, and presents of grain and money to needy Musulmáns and Hindús. For this purpose he had provided large baskets covered with paper. These, being filled with sweetmeats of all sorts, were sent to the houses of the amírs and the abodes of fakírs.

Two or three swift horses were procured, and, under the pretence of being presents to Bráhmans, they were sent to a place appointed fourteen kos from the city, in charge of some of his people, who were privy to his plans.

A devoted companion, who resembled him in height and figure, took his place upon the couch, and Sivají's gold ring was placed upon his hand. He was directed to throw a piece of fine muslin over his head, but to display the ring he wore upon his hand; and when any one came in, to feign to be asleep.

Sivají, with his son, got into two baskets, and were carried out, it being pretended that the baskets contained sweetmeats in*tended for the bráhmans and fakírs of Mathurá.

Thus, on the last day of Safar, Sivají got out of Ágra, and proceeded to where his horses were posted. Thence, in the course of two watches, he reached Mathurá. There he shaved off his beard and whiskers, and smeared his own and his son's face with ashes, and, taking with him some jewels and gold, he went off with some of his confederates, who were also disguised as fakírs.

He crossed the Jumna at an unfrequented ferry, and proceeded towards Benares, travelling in the night, and being guided by some swift Dakhiní runners, whose business is to disguise themselves and travel in all directions. It is said that they carried sufficient money and jewels for their wants in hollow walking-sticks.


On the following day, at the fifth watch, a Dakhiní runner, employed as a spy, brought information that Sivají had got free and was making off. The kotwál was directed to make inquiry, but he replied that the guards were at their posts round the house. Another spy confidently reported his escape. The kotwál's men went to see, and they saw as they thought Sivají asleep under his thin covering, and his ring distinctly visible.

The kotwál reported accordingly. A third spy now strongly asseverated that Sivají had escaped, and was forty or fifty kos away. A closer investigation revealed the fact of his escape. The kotwál and Kunwar Rám Singh were censured, and as Rám Singh was suspected of having prompted the evasion, he was deprived of his mansab and forbidden to come to Court.

Orders were sent to the provincial governors, and to the officials in all directions, to search for Sivají, and to seize him and send him to the Emperor.

Rája Jai Singh, who just at this time had retired from Bíjápúr, and had arrived at Aurangábád, received orders to arrest Nathújí before the escape of Sivají became public, and to send him to Court. After that he was to watch carefully for the bird escaped from the cage, and not suffer him to re-establish himself in his old haunts and to gather his followers around him.

It is said that Sivají made such expedition in his flight that no courier could have overtaken him. But his son Sambhá, a boy of tender years, was with him, and he suffered so much from the rapid motion, that Sivají left him behind at Alláhábád, in charge of a Bráhman, a man of high repute in that place, whose relations in the Dakhin had been closely connected with Sivají's father.

Sivají placed a sum of money with the Bráhman and commended the boy to his care. He was not to part from him until he received a letter in Sivají's own hand; and if he obtained certain intelligence of Sivají's death, he was to act as he deemed best.


Siege of Bíjápúr raised.


Rája Jai Singh, in obedience to orders, raised the siege of Bíjápúr. Knowing that the forts which he had taken could not be held after his departure, through want of provisions on the inside, against the swarms of Dakhinís outside, he resolved to abandon them. He took out of them such guns as he could carry away.

Then he gave the forts up to plunder, and afterwards set fire to them, and blew up the strong towers and walls. Then he proceeded to Aurangábád. Information now reached him of the flight of Sivají, and, in obedience to the Imperial command, he arrested Nathújí and his son, and sent them to Court. On arriving there, Nathújí was ordered to be kept under close surveillance.

Seeing no other chance of escape, he expressed a wish to become a Musulmán, which greatly pleased the Emperor. So he was initiated, and received a mansab of three thousand and two thousand horse, with the title of Muhammad Kulí Khán. After some time, when he returned to the Dakhin with reinforcements for Diler Khán, he recanted, and seized an opportunity to join Sivají.
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