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How and why Sunni Iran BECAME Shia Iran?

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#1 [Permalink] Posted on 4th January 2020 17:29
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#2 [Permalink] Posted on 6th January 2020 06:27
Phew! And was that informative? And gut wrenching too. Jazakallah.
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#3 [Permalink] Posted on 6th January 2020 08:39
Wow, informative and first time I am hearing these.
Good work, Muadh bhai.
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#4 [Permalink] Posted on 16th January 2020 16:20
Very informative.
Thank you for your effort!
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#5 [Permalink] Posted on 9th September 2026 22:23
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6 years have passed since this thread so lets update the situation of Sunni'ism in Iran إن شاء الله
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#6 [Permalink] Posted on 9th September 2026 22:43
Part 1: How many Shia vs Sunni in Iran?

The world Media today cites the Pew Research Center to claim that 90–95% of Iran’s population is Shia. However, this figure deserves closer examination because Iran has not conducted a modern nationwide census asking people to identify their sect.

The last time this question was reportedly addressed in an Iranian census was in 1949. According to data discussed in this MSc thesis :

  • 15–16.8 million: Population of Iran
  • 1.2–1.344 million: Sunni Muslims, or roughly 8% of the population


This is important because a significant proportion of Iran’s Sunni population historically lived—and continues to live—in rural, peripheral, and relatively difficult-to-access regions. Therefore, historical census figures may themselves have limitations.

More importantly, Iran has experienced a dramatic fertility decline among its Shia-majority population, while Sunni communities have generally maintained substantially higher fertility rates. Estimates cited for Iranian Sunni and Shia populations put fertility roughly at:

  • 1.15–1.3 children per woman: Shia
  • 3.0–3.5 children per woman: Sunni


That represents a very large demographic difference. If these fertility differences have persisted over multiple generations, then the relative share of Sunni Muslims in Iran would be expected to increase over time, even without significant conversion or migration.

There is also the political dimension. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, the Iranian state has imposed significant restrictions on Sunni religious institutions and has repeatedly expressed concern about what it describes as “Wahhabi” or Salafi influence. At the same time, there have been reports of Shia-to-Sunni conversion and growing Sunni religious activity in some parts of the country. The Middle East Institute has discussed this complicated relationship between the Iranian state and its Sunni minority.

This raises an obvious demographic question:

If Sunni Muslims constituted roughly 8% of Iran’s population around 1949, and Sunni fertility has subsequently been substantially higher than Shia fertility, on what basis can we confidently conclude that Sunnis constitute less than 5% of Iran’s population today?

The commonly repeated figure of 90–95% Shia and less than 5% Sunni may therefore be more uncertain than it is often presented.

That does not prove that Sunnis constitute a specific percentage of Iran’s population today. Rather, the absence of a modern nationwide sectarian census means that precise figures should be treated cautiously.

The key point is that we have a historical baseline, significant differences in fertility, possible conversion in both directions, migration, and state policies affecting Sunni communities—but no recent nationwide census directly measuring sectarian identity.

So rather than simply repeating the 90–95% figure as established fact, it is worth asking:

What is the actual Sunni share of Iran’s population in 2026?

Having set the scene, now lets discuss the various aspects of Sunni Islam in Iran
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#7 [Permalink] Posted on 9th September 2026 23:13
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Part 2: Salafi or Traditional Islam?

Iran and Saudi Arabia have been at loggerheads for decades, and the Iranian Revolution coincided with the Afghan-Soviet Jihad. In this broader geopolitical context, the Afghan Jihad naturally emerged as an important Sunni counterweight to the Iranian Islamic Revolution.

For decades, the Iranian government has promoted narratives about Saudi-funded Salafi Islam and the alleged growth of Salafism inside Iran. However, the most powerful and organized Sunni religious movement in Iran is arguably not Salafi at all, but rather Deobandi, particularly in the south and southeast, centered around Sistan and Baluchistan and the leadership of Mawlavi Abdolhamid Ismaeelzahi.

The Baluch, Turkmen, and Almaq (nomadic) communities of Iran have historically followed the Hanafi Madhhab and Maturidi Aqeedah, and Deobandi influence is particularly evident among Sunni religious institutions in these regions.

The most prominent Sunni seminary in Iran is Darululoom Zahedan, which operates within a traditional Deobandi educational framework:

sunnionline.us/english/2010/02/13/81/

This is Makki Masjid from the inside



The Sunni communities of Hormozgan, meanwhile, have historically followed the Shafi'e Madhhab and Ash'ari Aqeedah. One of the most important Shafi'e institutions in the region was the Sultan al-Ulama School, founded by Shaykh Abd al-Rahman ibn Yusuf al-Khalidi (RA).

baderalabri.com/?p=2889



This network of Sunni madaris was also important in producing and connecting Sunni ulama across the wider Muslim world from the 1940s onward.

One notable figure associated with this broader scholarly network was Shaykh Abdullah ibn Ibrahim al-Ansari, who became the first director of the Administration of Religious Affairs in Qatar's Ministry of Education, authored numerous works, and founded the Qatari Almanac.

www.qnl.qa/en/about/news/qatar-national-library-celebrate...

The Qatari Almanac subsequently became an indispensable resource for students of knowledge during the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, before the widespread availability of the Internet.

Shaykh Abdullah al-Ansari's influence extended beyond Qatar. Through his scholarly connections, he helped strengthen Sunni religious networks in Iran and among Persian-speaking Sunnis, while simultaneously contributing to the development of what would become the distinctive Sunni religious environment of Qatar.

He also maintained close scholarly relationships with Deobandi ulama in the Middle East and South Asia. During the Afghan Jihad, these networks became increasingly interconnected, creating greater interaction between the Hanafi-Deobandi and Shafi'e-Ash'ari wings of Sunni Islam.

Thus, when examining Sunni Islam in contemporary Iran, it is important not to automatically equate Sunni religious revival with Salafism or Saudi influence.

A significant portion of Iran's Sunni religious establishment has deep roots in traditional Hanafi-Deobandi and Shafi'e-Ash'ari scholarship, with its own indigenous institutions, ulama, madaris, and transnational scholarly networks.

The Iranian government's repeated emphasis on “Wahhabi” or Saudi influence therefore needs to be examined separately from the actual theological and institutional composition of Iran's Sunni population.

Why did Iran tolerate Deobandi networks?

The reason was largely pragmatic. During the 1980s, Iran faced severe economic sanctions and international isolation, making its links with the wider Arab and Sunni world increasingly valuable.

Deobandi ulama maintained established religious and personal networks across the Muslim world, giving Iran important international and regional connections at a time when it needed them.

Thus, Iran's tolerance of Deobandi activity was not necessarily ideological—it was largely pragmatic and strategic.
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#8 [Permalink] Posted on 9th September 2026 23:45
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Part 3: How did Sunni Muslims survive the Safavid conversion?

In the video we discussed that Iran was historically predominantly Sunni and was later converted to Shia Islam under the Safavids. But how did Sunni Muslims survive who did not want to convert to Shia Islam?

We reproduce the research of Scheherezade Faramarzi verbatim below:

There are few, if any, documents that shed light on how a large number of Persians remained devoted to the Sunni faith during the forced conversion that began more than five hundred years ago. Did they flee to distant areas to escape conversion, or was the central government unable to reach them because they lived in remote parts of the country?

“Generally, both the above happened,” said Sheikh Abdulkarim. “We assume they mostly fled to remote and uninhabitable areas, such as here, because they were not within the reach of the Safavid army. Historically, security was assured in places where life was difficult.”

Around 1896, when famine hit Iran, newly wed Abdullah and Aisha boarded a dhow in Bandar Lengeh, along with twenty-five mules, and sailed to the Arab side of the Persian Gulf. In Dubai, Abdullah worked as a servant for wealthy Iranian merchants. The couple went on to have a son and two daughters. The son, Gholoum Hussein, grew up to become a smuggler, mainly transporting sugar to Iran. His son, Abdul Ghaffar Hussain, became a deputy mayor in 1959. Twenty years later, he established the Emirate’s first factory for paint, plastic, and pipes. Today, he is a major industrialist in Dubai.

“We never felt we were discriminated against. To this day, they have treated us well,” said the eighty-five-year-old Hussain, speaking fluent Persian in his crammed office. “My father always said we should never forget our Persian language. Today, except for my eldest daughter, none of my children and grandchildren speak Persian.”

His ancestors fled Khorasan when the Safavids launched their Shia conversion campaign, heading south and settling briefly in various towns on the way. They had arrived in Larestan in what is now Hormozgan when Shah Ismail, the first and most brutal of Safavid rulers, died and was succeeded by the more lenient Shah Tahmasb.

The last major migration of Iranian Sunnis across the Persian Gulf occurred shortly before and after the 1979 revolution. Those who remained rebuilt their houses with money they received from relatives. The most generous help, however, has gone to building mosques. One tiny Hormozgan hamlet of no more than 1,000 residents boasts five mosques, but no high school, library, or hospital.

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#9 [Permalink] Posted on 10th September 2026 00:29
Part 4: How does Iran discriminate against Sunni Muslims?

All minorities in Iran should have the freedom to practice their religion as guaranteed under Article 12 of the Constitution, which states:

Article 12

The official religion of Iran is Islam and the Twelve Ja'fari school [in usul al-Din and fiqh], and this principle will remain eternally immutable. Other Islamic schools, including the Hanafi, Shafi'i, Maliki, Hanbali, and Zaydi, are to be accorded full respect, and their followers are free to act in accordance with their own jurisprudence in performing their religious rites. These schools enjoy official status in matters pertaining to religious education, affairs of personal status (marriage, divorce, inheritance, and wills) and related litigation in courts of law. In regions of the country where Muslims following any one of these schools of fiqh constitute the majority, local regulations, within the bounds of the jurisdiction of local councils, are to be in accordance with the respective school of fiqh, without infringing upon the rights of the followers of other schools.

In 2000, when it was proposed that Kurdish Sunni Jalal Jalalzadeh be appointed to the Parliament’s presiding board, the hardline Shia cleric Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani threatened to issue a fatwa delegitimizing the assembly “if a Sunni was installed above Shias.” He vowed to “walk barefoot in the streets wrapped in a shroud.”

In 2017, Hojjat al-Islam Ali Younesi, former Iranian Intelligence Minister, admitted that discrimination against Sunni Muslims was a result of prejudice among hardliners and promised improvements.

mei.edu/publication/marginalizing-religious-minorities-ri...

In 2017, there was also landmark correspondence between Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and Mawlavi Abdolhamid Ismaeelzahi, in which Ayatollah Ali Khamenei called for an end to discrimination against Sunnis and other minority groups.

abdolhamid.net/persian/2017/09/06/3012/

However, none of these promises have been presented to Parliament or given explicit legal protection through legislation.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei also issued a fatwa declaring that it is Haram (forbidden) to insult the wives of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon Him), including Sayyidah Aisha (RA).

english.khamenei.ir/print/3905/Ayatollah-Khamenei-s-fatwa...

However, this fatwa is not enforced through legislation in Iran and has never been given constitutional or statutory protection by Parliament.

Sunni Muslims are also not allowed to build Sunni mosques in major Iranian cities. What the Government presents as evidence of Sunni places of worship are often merely prayer halls rather than purpose-built Sunni mosques. We will discuss this issue next, Insha'Allah.
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#10 [Permalink] Posted on 10th September 2026 14:01
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Whether there is any ground report from tableeghi jamaath, if they visit Iran.
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#11 [Permalink] Posted on 10th September 2026 23:17
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Part 5: Are there Masjid for Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jamaat in Iran?

There are hundreds, or even thousands, of ancient and new Sunni mosques in areas of Iran with significant Sunni populations.

While major Darul-Ulooms and mosques exist in the predominantly Sunni parts of the country, the situation is entirely different in overwhelmingly Shia areas. Take the capital city, Tehran, which has close to 1 million Sunni Muslims—roughly 10% of the city's total population.

I have spent years researching this topic. I have read articles, listened to lectures in Arabic, Urdu, and English, and cross-referenced locations using Google Maps.

Although I may have written something different on forums over the years based on the testimony of various Ulama without double-checking their claims, as of September 10, 2026, I am completely confident that this information is accurate. Despite claims made online—including by pro-government figures and video content trying to obscure the facts—the reality on the ground is clear: there is not a single, officially established, freestanding Sunni mosque or established Sunni Jama'at in Tehran.


Instead, the community relies on approximately nine primary prayer halls (namazkhaneh) and various makeshift basement facilities. The most prominent functional prayer spaces are:



Pro-government media often twists this figure of nine prayer halls to claim there are "nine Sunni mosques" in the capital. In reality, these are strictly temporary, restricted prayer facilities.

Based on extensive research, I challenge anyone to identify a single, official, freestanding Sunni mosque in the city of Tehran.

Qum

This is second most Holiest city in Iran and the first stop when you drive for Shia Pilgrimage from Pakistan into Iran. The Tourist places are dominated by Pakistani people and Urdu is commonly spoken, the Pakistani agents run regular tours and Indian Shia are also accommodated by mostly Pakistani staff.

In fact, there are more Pakistani people then Iranian or Arabs.

There are no Sunni Mosques and no Sunni places to pray! People who are Sunni just pray adhoc anywhere.

Sunni Pakistani Muslims live on Chana and Paratha...



The other common dish in Iran is Ghormeh Sabzi (Vegetarian Stew) served with Yellow rice



Kashke Bademjan (Persian Eggplant Dip) is the Humus eaten with Bread



Mirza Ghasemi (Persian Smoked Aubergine Dip) is also eaten with bread



While traditional Iranian Potato dips are Kuku sibzamini

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#12 [Permalink] Posted on 11th September 2026 01:38
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Mawlavi Abdolhamid Ismaeelzahi traveling through the Province of Sistan and Baluchestan which is the second biggest province of Iran and it is majority Sunni.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=7l9zsc95woQ

This area has always been called Baluchistan in history but after the Iranian revolution of 1979 the Government merged and renamed it to Sistan and Baluchestan but it still remains Sunni majority.

  • Shia speak Persian
  • Sunni speak Baluchi


The easiest way to tell a Sunni from Shia in Iran is that Sunni men wear Shalwar Qameez and Shia men wear western clothes or traditional Shia robes...

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