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#541 [Permalink] Posted on 23rd May 2019 09:58
Bismillah
Just couldn't understand the mindset of people who voted for him.
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#542 [Permalink] Posted on 23rd May 2019 10:31
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Muslim Political Party? will it be helpful for the immediate crisis that will be faced by Indian Muslims for another 5 years? lack of good leadership and divisions within our own community is never addressed, let alone solve it.
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#543 [Permalink] Posted on 23rd May 2019 10:39
Umm Khadeejah wrote:
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They have played Religion card and even the educated class has fallen for it.

Khayr whatever happens, Allah has control over it.

''Our Lord! forgive us our sins and our transgressions, establish our feet firmly and help us against the disbelieving folk; Our Lord! make us not a trial for those who practice oppression''
. Aameen
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#544 [Permalink] Posted on 23rd May 2019 10:57
The entire world is going in the same direction : Nationalism,racism,sectarianism,
extremism..
It is not only India

The humanity is facing a new version of the same old ‘Jahiliyya’....

It invariably leads to
misery,wars,economic depression,political instability and chaos...on a world wide level.

History is a witness to it...

It is obvious that strong leaders with extreme views, fascist tendencies,narrow vision and lack of regard for human values are
coming to power. The people who vote for them, are equally responsible for it all.

May Allah have mercy on us. Amin
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#545 [Permalink] Posted on 23rd May 2019 12:00
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There are already 100s of Muslim parties, in addition to that - they contest against Muslim strong candidates split votes and help others win.
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#546 [Permalink] Posted on 24th May 2019 05:42
The Hindu nationalist organizations have worked over nearly a century to cultivate the Hindu mindset. The Hindu majority in India now have the same perception of Muslims that the Muslim majority of Pakistan have of Qadiyanis. They are reviled and looked upon with scorn, as subhuman, as traitors, as the enemy.
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#547 [Permalink] Posted on 24th May 2019 11:12
Umm Khadeejah wrote:
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Democracy = Dictatorship of majority

The sooner you realize it the clearer it will be for you.
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#548 [Permalink] Posted on 28th May 2019 08:06
I'll cut and paste a few articles about the recent election results of India from the net.
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#549 [Permalink] Posted on 28th May 2019 08:08
PB Mehta on Modi's Spectacular Victory


There are times in the life of a democracy when the heady winds of popular power turn into their opposite: The deification and personification of one man. Democracy displays a will to simplicity when the answer to every question, the remedy for anxiety becomes one man, and one man alone. The only authentic analysis of this election is two words: Narendra Modi. Everything else is irrelevant. Modi convinced the voters that he could write India’s destiny. And they were glad to outsource their destiny to him. Anybody who doubted that this was going to be the outcome, including this columnist, should eat humble pie.
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All our normal categories of political analysis and statistical jugglery come to nought when they are faced with Narendra Modi. This is because, he more than any politician in modern history, has grasped three things. First, he is the purest distillation of the idea of politics. For him political reality is not given, it is created; while other parties twiddle thumbs trying to get sociological arithmetic right, he goes about the task of producing a total identification with his persona. And he deploys undefeatable energy to do so. Second, he has fully grasped the potential of a dangerous idea in democracy: That even evil that has a whiff of a larger cause about it has the power to move more than civility that is tainted with pettiness. And third, and most importantly, he has crafted a way of being everywhere: He managed to colonise our imaginations, our fantasies, hopes and fears, to the point where even resistance to him seemed to be entirely in his thrall. Has there been any other figure in the annals of democratic politics who makes you think about him almost every second of your existence? He can literally make himself the object of attention every second of public discourse. Many leaders win because the public does not see an alternative. Modi won because he made an alternative unthinkable.

It is difficult to argue with the claim that the opposition did not, in any way merit victory. In these times, civility is a rare commodity and the Congress can be granted that. It is also easy to blame control of institutions, media and money for the BJP’s electoral firepower. Some of that is true, but to attribute the BJP’s victory to that would be to deny political reality. Even in a moment of grave national crisis, the Opposition’s inability to come together was above all, evidence of their pettiness and myopia. Even when the Congress knew that the battering ram Modi was using against the Congress was that Congress was dynastic and corrupt, Congress could not change the face of its leadership. Modi relentlessly campaigned that all of India’s other parties — from SP and BSP, to the Congress — are corrupt family enterprises. He was the scimitar, slashing away at the old order, which was still holding India back

Modi deserves his victory. But this is also a moment of dread for Indian democracy. Let us be clear. This is the greatest concentration of power in modern Indian history. Never has a force emerged, not even the Congress under Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi, where a leader had such unchallenged power in the party, a party organisation this energised, complete control over capital, and a vast set of civil society organisations that are poised for dominance in every institution in every corner of the country. India’s fate is now truly in his hands. This victory puts an imprimatur on the idea that India has given up on the central tenets of its politics. In both its institutional and aesthetic form, this is a victory for electoral Caesarism pure and simple, where the power of every institution, from business to religious institutions, will revolve around one man. In ideological terms, it is a victory for majoritarianism, a desire to openly marginalise minorities and assert the cultural hegemony of Hindutva. In sociological terms, this is yet another blow to those who peddle illusions about the power of caste and regional politics. Those identities are breaking down, and ripe for appropriation for the larger project of Hindutva. It is probably also the case that despite the cult of toxic masculinity that characterises BJP’s ideological discourse, Modi upended the politics of gender in new and creative ways. There are now no barriers to the Hindutva project that we take for granted that emanate from social structure. This is a victory for the politics of unreality. The Modi government has several successes to its credit. It certainly managed to create a sense that some of its schemes touched the lives of more people than ever before. But let us be clear: Modi has not won because of his economic success; he has won despite his economic failures. The economy is tottering at a growth rate that feels closer to four or four-and-a-half per cent. That this election was almost entirely bereft of a serious economic narrative of hope does not portend well. To be fair, the Opposition did not have any eye-catching ideas either. Indian elites are now compensating for a faltering India story, a make believe world where our explanation of our failures is the fragmentation of power. If only we gave one man more power, he would do wonders: Nationalism became a refuge for us, because participating in it seems to vicariously lift us, even though it does not do anything to secure India’s future. This is also, finally, a victory of the politics of fear and hate. In 2014, Modi struck a hopeful chord; perhaps it was easier as an outsider. But this campaign was a relentlessly negative one, full of mendacity and hate. This is not a poison that is easy to roll back.

Source : IE
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#550 [Permalink] Posted on 28th May 2019 08:09
STANDING UPTO HINDUTVA -- LESSONS FROM THE BJP'S VICTORY


(A Marxist Friend T. Jayaraman

i) With the BJP's sweeping victory and the decisive rejection of the Congress, the invocation of the Nehru-Gandhi era and its glories cannot be the thrust of the opposition.

We need new icons, new slogans, a renewed rationale for why secularism and inclusivity matter, in a way that answers the needs and experiences of a world seventy years later. We have actually some of this work done but in the end, especially in the face of the BJP attack, we resort to the Nehru-Gandhi vision. One needs to resist this temptation.

ii) Pan-caste mobilisation is possible and can be effective through the invocation of larger interests and ideals, especially invoking national interest and development. The "Lohiaite" view, the idea that political success comes out of the sum total of the individual self-interests of separate caste groups has finally come a cropper and is exposed for its shallowness -- as its remnants fade into marginality or survive in the shadow of the BJP. The intellectual proponents of this view need particular rebuttal, as they have constantly harassed the Left on this score, especially against class-based mobilisation. The idea that subaltern caste mobilisation is the most effective counter to Hindutva has been fatally damaged in this election.

What we need is a progressive pan-caste mobilisation, that goes beyond the SP+BSP formula.

iii) National interest matters. For both the Congress and the trendy Left (op-ed, Facebook, social media, academic, whatever) the word has virtually disappeared from their vocabulary. Where they refer to it, they consider it a BJP slogan, handing the latter a considerable head-start and advantage. The Congress too is reluctant to use it in the context of liberalisation, while the BJP cleverly invokes it in its imagery on security issues, while being equally pro-liberalisation in practice.

A progressive reworking of national interest, the Left's classic campaign slogan and agenda, should be actively pursued, not sidelined under this pressure that is really a product of the arch-liberaliser the Congress. National interest, not in the security version, but in a broader, progressive, anti-imperialist sense.

iv) Development matters. Pooh-poohing all industrial growth, all technological advance, or focusing only on counter-struggles will not do. The defence of those who don't benefit or lose out is necessary, as the defeat of the TDP makes evident, but cannot be the only arena of mass mobilisation, as the experience in other parts of the country shows. Though their influence seems to be only in theory and writing, the academic "Left" has really had a powerful negative influence in this regard on actual political work.

Setting aside this aspect, while focusing solely on issues of rights, including minority rights, will not work -- even large sections of the minorities see development as critical.

Attacking Hindutva obscurantism as anti-development is a key issue and has already shown some promise, even if the effort so far has been limited.

v) Class-based mobilisation is still critical, not its setting aside in a diffuse social mobilisation that dilutes the class agenda into a homeopathic remnant. Such mobilisation has been routinely seen to even force the Hindutva following among the working classes to join the broader agenda.

vi) Amenities, education and health remain powerful issues for mobilisation, but must become manifest in real struggles rather than be restricted to propaganda against the limitations of government schemes and projects.

One has the impression that the stance that one is thinking of here was far more actively expressed in the 2004 elections, which contributed to the defeat of the BJP at that time. In the runup to the 2019 elections, such an agenda has often appeared to take second place behind grand coalition formations, that had a purely negative message, without dealing with the substance of the appeal of Hindutva.

While such an agenda as one is trying to think through here may not be sufficient, especially in its details and what it means in practice, the broad contours sketched here appear necessary.

Source : FB
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#551 [Permalink] Posted on 28th May 2019 08:11
Seshadri Kumar's Comments


A few of my friends on Facebook recently posted a blog post by Dr. Seshadri Kumar, called “Tumhari Hai Tum Hi Sambhalo Ye Duniya: An Appeal To Fellow-Liberals In India”, accompanied by approving comments.

This piece argues that it is “ … time for liberals to take a step back and to disengage from political discussions for a year or two, and watch what actually happens in India under Modi 2.0. If things are bad as we fear, then Modi's supporters will realize the facts for themselves ....”

Given that these are friends whose views I largely agree with, it might come as a surprise that I disagree with the views expressed in the blog. And vehemently, too.

Like most on the centre-left, I assumed that Modi would return to power but likely with a reduced majority, dependent on the support of other parties for his continuance in power. I thought the deciding factor in the vote would be demonetisation, an act for which any government should have been booted out.

However, unlike at least some others, I did not have much hope that social, as opposed to economic issues, such as the BJP’s implicit attitude towards minorities, their support for all things “cow” and the hollowing out of famous institutions of learning, would make a difference to the broader electorate.

Of course, I was totally wrong about the outcome of the election, with the only consolation being that most if not all of those I know were wrong too. Demonetization, agricultural distress and burgeoning NPAs seemed to have little effect on voting behaviour. Prime Minister Modi has returned to an even larger number of seats for the BJP.

But does this error call for, as Kumar says, disengaging from political discussions for up to a year? I suggest that, instead, we need to reevaluate what it means to be liberal in the first place. In place of disengaging, we should hew closer to liberal ideals in a true sense and not just when it suits us to do so politically.

The act of voting for one party or another does involve a certain amount of holding ones nose and making the least bad of two or more choices. By their own standards, the Congress party should have been anathema to liberals after the Delhi riots of 1984. By equivalent standards, the fact that the post-Godhra riots showed a level of premeditated violence towards a minority community that from all accounts was encouraged and supported by the state administration, would have been an equal disqualifying mark for the BJP and its leader. But the record of political violence by the left in Bengal or in Kerala are not inspiring in this regard either. There really isn’t much to choose.

So what is a liberal to do? Perhaps choose the justifiable battles and not tilt at the wrong ones.

Consider two examples: Swacch Bharat and GST. I have had a number of discussions with colleagues who made fun of both of these, claiming that the first would lead to the downfall of the BJP government, and that the second was an eye wash and a failure.

I, on the other hand, supported these. GST, despite problems in implementation, is certainly a step forward to rationalising the maze of internal taxation in the country, promoting compliance, and making it easier for business, both small and large, to function. Argue about the lack of thought that went into implementation, yes. But to say that it was a bad idea just because it was implemented by the BJP, no.

Whether or not Swacch Bharat turns out to be a failure, it is an uplifting and elevating idea that we could support, whether we belong to left or right. (As Rahul Gandhi also learnt, to his evident surprise, when quizzed by students of Mount Carmel College.)

By tarring all acts of the Modi government with the same brush, even when we would have cheered them if they came from a government we might have supported, liberals lose credibility.

The problems with the BJP government, and my own reasons for not voting for them, are to do with larger social issues. Modi, his cabinet and his party, largely by acts of omission, have created an environment in which Indian minorities feel a sense of threat. And this is palpable even to those not from those communities. Where Modi could have spoken up unambiguously, such as in the incidents of lynching, he chose not to, thus emboldening elements on the right who anyway needed little encouragement.

Where the agenda of the RSS ends and of the BJP begins is unclear, and I suspect the distinction will become even more vague as time goes on. The government’s Kashmir policy is a disaster. The systematic destruction and marginalisation of once-respected independent universities as well as dissenting voices is unique to this government.

These are reasons to oppose the BJP.

But to take the point of view that everything the government does must be criticised is to relinquish the one morality that liberals should hold dear, the right to think independently.

One final example of what I mean. I read a piece some months ago by a firebrand intellectual and academic of a left persuasion, arguing that the decision of the Kerala government (from the left, at that time) not to implement the appropriate portions of the Gadgil report on conservation in the Western Ghats spoke to their deep concern for the common man and for employment.

It was hard to contain my laughter precisely because I could imagine the same individual, had the Congress been in power in Kerala then, waxing eloquent about how the state had succumbed to the blandishment of private industry in total disregard for the larger issues of the environment.

If I could not myself take this person seriously, how can I expect that others, not particularly of a liberal bent, would? Why has so-called liberal discourse and analysis twisted to such a degree that we can't recognize pious cant when we see it?

So finally, my answer would be this. It would be a tragic error for liberals to disengage from politics at this time. But liberals should be more honest about what liberalism is. And it isn’t a blind opposition to what a government might do.

It is, instead, about consistently upholding a set of liberal values - among them intellectual honesty, fairness, common sense and a larger morality - at all times, irrespective of the political environment.

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#552 [Permalink] Posted on 29th May 2019 05:38
A very important point from the article above:

"By tarring all acts of the Modi government with the same brush, even when we would have cheered them if they came from a government we might have supported, liberals lose credibility."
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#553 [Permalink] Posted on 8th June 2019 09:49
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#554 [Permalink] Posted on 8th June 2019 12:28
One phenomenon that I have noticed for last several years is that the aggressive Hindutva supporters have started trolling on Muslim videos. For example one of the Dr Israr Ahmed videos had comments disabled. this must have been because of the bigots. There are many other videos where they have left most hateful and virulent comments. They have grown very bold by the day.
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#555 [Permalink] Posted on 8th June 2019 14:27
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Because of cheap internet data. Indians (hindutva) have taken over social media. They have ruined many great forums and social media with their presence.
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